Received: from mailsorter-102-5.bryant.webtv.net (209.240.198.31) by storefull-238.iap.bryant.webtv.net with WTV-SMTP; Mon, 29 Nov 1999 03:02:21 -0800 (PST) Received: by mailsorter-102-5.bryant.webtv.net (WebTV_Postfix) id BF94D2816; Mon, 29 Nov 1999 03:02:21 -0800 (PST) Delivered-To: [log in to unmask] Received: from lists.econ.utah.edu (buo319b.econ.utah.edu [128.110.171.164]) by mailsorter-102-5.bryant.webtv.net (WebTV_Postfix) with ESMTP id EA66CF28; Mon, 29 Nov 1999 03:02:20 -0800 (PST) Received: (from majordom@localhost) by lists.econ.utah.edu (8.9.3/8.9.3/Debian/GNU) id DAA03519 for leninist-international-outgoing; Mon, 29 Nov 1999 03:54:25 -0700 Message-ID: <00a101bf3a57$f69b4580$c7b4883e@mjones> From: "M A Jones" <[log in to unmask]> To: "li" <[log in to unmask]> Subject: L-I: more on US plundering Caspian oil Date: Mon, 29 Nov 1999 09:33:13 -0000 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Priority: 3 X-MSMail-Priority: Normal X-Mailer: Microsoft Outlook Express 5.00.2314.1300 X-MIMEOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V5.00.2314.1300 Sender: [log in to unmask] Precedence: bulk Reply-To: [log in to unmask] Boston Globe 28 November 1999 Editorial Perilous pipe dream in Asia With a pride that may eventually look like hubris, President Clinton announced an agreement in Istanbul earlier this month on construction of an oil pipeline to carry that precious resource from the port of Baku on the Caspian Sea, across Georgia, and then through Turkey to the Turkish port of Ceyhan on the Mediterranean. The accord, which hardly guarantees that such a pipeline will actually be built, represents the culmination of a strenuous campaign by the administration to persuade Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and Turkey to join forces with the United States in a project that was molded even more by strategic designs than by the lure of profits. ''This is a major foreign policy victory,'' crowed Energy Secretary Bill Richardson at the signing ceremony. ''It is a strategic agreement that advances America's national interest.'' There is no denying that the Baku-to-Ceyhan pipeline accord represents a short-term victory for the members of the administration who labored to bring it about, but it is less certain that the strategic rationale behind it will serve long-term US interests. That rationale is simple: to deprive Russia of a traditional sphere of influence and preclude an Iranian role in the exporting of the region's energy resources. The leaders of states in the region that were until recently Soviet republics are only too glad to have a new superpower protector that can shield them against a revival of Russian imperialism. By contrast, international oil companies, motivated principally by cost-benefit calculations, would prefer to build a pipeline that runs southward through Iran to a port on the Persian Gulf. The statesmen would be more likely to achieve durable strategic benefits if they heeded the purely cost-conscious thinking of the oil company executives. To foresee the consequences of excluding Russia from a Caspian oil and gas bonanza, Clinton need only cast an eye on Chechnya. A pipeline already runs through Chechen territory, and it is no secret that one of Moscow's prime motives for seeking to recapture Chechnya is to take control of that pipeline. Moscow is sending two crude messages via its bombing and shelling of civilians whom it defines as Russian citizens. The first is that the Chechnya pipeline can be accounted secure once it is back in Russian hands. The second message is even more ominous but no less important to understand. By making war against the Chechens, Boris Yeltsin's regime demonstrates to the new states around the Caspian that the Kremlin is willing to take the most extreme measures to prevent any possibility that Russia, in its temporary weakness, might be prevented from sharing in the riches associated with the transport of Caspian oil and gas. As brutal as Yeltsin's second war for Chechnya has been, the leaders who toasted the pipeline accord in Istanbul should realize that Yeltsin could be succeeded by someone who will be even less solicitous of international opinion and more willing to give free rein to great-power chauvinism. No matter who follows Yeltsin, the chances are that a policy of making the export of Caspian energy resources an exclusive preserve of the United States and its ally Turkey will become a formula for perpetual instability in the Caucasus. It is folly to act on the assumption that Russian leaders, or their counterparts in Iran, will merely resign themselves to an American fait accompli. To paraphrase Che Guevara, they are much more likely to create two, three, many Chechnyas. Indeed, there have already been blatant examples of Moscow stoking ethnic conflicts and independence struggles across the Caucasus. The aim is to make Russia the indispensable power in its old backyard. Like a Mafia don with an interest in his old neighborhood, whoever sits in the Kremlin will want to ''wet his beak'' in any profitable activity emanating from the Caspian. If there turn out to be enough oil and gas reserves in the Caspian basin to make the region a geopolitical prize, then for economic as well as strategic reasons there will have to be several pipelines. They can run north through Russia, west through Georgia to Turkey, and south through Iran to the Persian Gulf. Eventually there may even be a gas pipeline that runs through Afghanistan and eastward toward China. If the powers around the region share in the pipeline profits, they will have a stake in preserving regional stability. If not, they are certain to provoke the equivalent of gang warfare. --- from list [log in to unmask] ---