Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 60/2007, 25 – 27 May 2007
Editorial
Actions of Journalists Should Be Bound By The GPU Constitution
Currently, issues have been raised, remarks made, criticisms launched,
accusations levelled, emotions displayed on issues relating to the Gambia Press
Union (GPU), in public fora and newspapers.
The GPU is the umbrella association of journalists in this country, “a
purely professional and non-political organisation” that is designed to promote,
protect and defend the media and media practitioners in The Gambia.
Quite naturally, its fate, its efficacy and otherwise must be of concern to
journalists, whether they are members or not.
Needless to say, a weak GPU cannot but have a negative consequence on the
development of the media and media practitioners in The Gambia.
On the other hand, a strong GPU can serve notably as the backbone of the
promotion, protection and defence of freedom of expression, but as the steering
wheel of professionalism of the media.
It is high time that media practitioners take ownership of the GPU. No
single person owns the GPU. Individuals are only elected to serve for a period.
Members should attend the monthly meetings proposed by the constitution or
ensure that such meetings do take place. The next meeting is scheduled for 3
June. They should express themselves and make proposals at such meetings and
ensure that decisions are complied with. This is how you build up an
organisation.
Mudslinging, arbitrariness, “street battles,” etc., cannot take the GPU
forward. Objectivity, decency and professional conduct are essential in handling
the affairs of the GPU. Media practitioners who often call for the rule of
law should show examples of what the rule of law means.
The GPU constitution should guide the practice of GPU members. For this
reason, we will publish the full text of the GPU constitution, for the benefit of
the membership, in the next issue of FOROYAA.
GROUNDNUT TRADE PLUMMETS
By Yaya Dampha
Groundnut is the major cash crop in The Gambia. However, this precious crop
is gradually dying as the government’s inability to purchase the produce or
create an enabling environment for its sale increases every year.
During the 2005/06 trade season, the major groundnut buyers were The Gambia
Groundnut Corporation (GGC)and the Federation of Agricultural Corporatives
(FACs). According to records, last year the GGC bought a total of one thousand
three hundred and eight-three (1383) metric tonnes out of which 742 tonnes
were purchased on credit and delivered to the GGC depot in Banjul, while the
FACS purchased 35, 137 tonnes. These figures are below the amount bought in
2004-2005.
In the season that has just ended that is, 2006/2007 according to the
Managing Director of GGC, his institution bought only one hundred and fifteen (115)
metric tonnes of groundnuts. He said this was their total purchase, but he
did not say the amount of money involved.
This has shown that 2006/2007 is one of the worst buying seasons as far as
groundnut trade is concerned. This year, farmers were advised to take their
nuts to the depots and not to the seccos for sale. The farmers in NBR were to
take their crops to the GGC depot in Barra. In LRR the farmers were to take
their crops to (Konkoba) Tendaba. In CRR North, they took their nuts to Kaur;
in CRR South Kundang and in URR, Basse. This was seen by farmers as a
torturous burden since most of them had to travel for more than 50 kilometres to the
buying centres (seccos). Worst of all, depots were only to receive nothing
less than five tonnes in bulk. Any farmer who needed to sell below five tonnes
had to go to private buyers or sell it at the weekly market (Lumoo). A
farmer said this has contributed not only to the lower sales but has paralyzed the
whole process of purchasing nuts.
FORMER NAM ALLEGES RCED CONFESSION
Bubacarr K. Sowe and Yaya Dampha
Demba Dem, ex-parliamentarian for Niani constituency, currently charged with
treason, following the March 2006 foiled coup d’etat on Wednesday, May 23,
told the High Court that he was forced and beaten to make statements at the
National Intelligence Agency (NIA).
Dem is testifying in a voir dire (a trial within a trial) to test the
voluntariness of his statements and those of three other co-accused persons; Tamsir
Jasseh- a former Director General of Immigration and ex-Deputy Inspector
General of Police, Alieu Jobe – former Accountant General and Omar Faal Keita- a
Marabout.
Dem said that he was picked up at the National Assembly Chamber by three
plain clothes officers and driven to the State Central Prison, Mile Two where a
prison officer removed his watch and shoes, took his wallet and allocate him
a cell at the Maximum Security Wing.
He testified that his arrest occurred on March, 29, 2006, without being told
why he was in custody, stressing that he was not told why he was being taken
to the NIA headquarters too.
Upon arrival at the NIA, the politician said, he met one Lieutenant Musa
Jammeh who ordered some soldiers to escort him to the conference room where he
met a twenty-five member panel among whom he recognised one Momodou Hydara of
the NIA, Foday Barry and Baba Saho.
He said that he was asked by Hydara whether he knows anything about the
foiled coup. He said he answered that he knew nothing about the said coup. Dem
narrated that he told Hydara that he was in Jarra Soma attending a workshop at
the Jenoi Farmers’ Training Centre but Hydara insisted and asked him whether
he spoke to any soldier at anytime.
“I said no. I did not speak to any soldier.” At that time Momodou Hdyara
stood up and said I am the greatest liar he has ever known and I am hiding. He
said I will speak or else he would give me soldiers who would deal with me,”
Dem told the court.
Dem said he told Hdyara that if he knew anything he would reveal it but
there is nothing he knew about an alleged coup.
He added that he was told that the panel was going for a break and at six o’
clock they would deal with him. Dem said after the break Hdyara told him he
would never talk to him again and then he would bring people who would talk to
him.
Narrating further, Dem said that Hydara then ordered soldiers to return him
to Mile Two around 6pm and by midnight, six soldiers handcuffed, bundled him
up and drove him to the NIA Headquarters again. Among those soldiers he said
are Michael Correa, Sana Manjang, Pa Malick Jatta, Ismaila Jammeh and two
others he could not recall. The former National Assembly Member said he was
still handcuffed at the NIA where he was taken to a dark corner, forced to kneel
down on the ground and a bucket of water poured on him.
Dem alleged that four soldiers began beating him with pipes, sticks, guns
and knives, resulting to wounds on both his right and left leg. He added that
his shoulder was cut with a knife when he refused to sign the statement,
adding that they threatened to cut his hand if he refused to obey their command.
He went on to say that his shirt was also torn by the soldiers, but managed
to wear it on.
The scars on Dem’s body were examined by the Judge, Justice Avril
Anin-Yeboah, the prosecutor, Emmanuel Fagbenle and defence counsel, Lamin Jobarteh at
the Judge’s Chamber. The shirt which he claimed was torn by the soldiers was
tendered and admitted as an exhibit.
Dem told the court that he was taken back to Mile Two around half past two
in the morning while he was still handcuffed. On March 30 2006, he said that
he was driven to the NIA again around eleven forty-five in the morning, while
he was handcuffed and taken before the panel and asked to say what he knew
about the coup.
He said that Hydara told him he would speak or else they would beat him like
yesterday.
Dem added that he told them they would kill him but there is nothing he can
say, since he does not know anything about it.
He adduced that a soldier told him since he wanted to die, let him follow
him to a small room.
In that room he said he met one Lamin Cham, a Detective Police, who told
him they are taking his statements and asked him whether he could write.
“I told him I have nothing to write.” He said the officer escorting me at
the time slapped him. Cham himself then wrote the statement on his own,” he
said.
He denied knowing or seeing Babou Loum who is alleged to have been an
independent witness during the investigation emphasizing that it was only three of
them, Cham, his escort and himself who were present. He agreed that one of
the exhibits (a statement) bears his signature but he did not know it’s content
because he was forced to sign it inorder to save his life.
He was shown copies of other statements but denied signing any of them.
Before receiving his charge sheet, he said he was already under detention
for three months.
However, defence lawyer Lamin Jobarteh applied that he would want the
statements of the accused person to be studied by a handwriting expert but this was
objected to by the prosecutor Emmanuel Fagbenle.
Subsequently, the objection was overruled by justice Yeboah who ruled that
an expert in hand writing shall look into the statements and report to the
court before May 30 for continuation of hearing.
TREASON CONVICTS CHALLENGE VERDICT
By Bubacarr K. Sowe & Emil Touray
The ten military officers, who were convicted in April on treason charges,
by a Court Martial, have filed an appeal at the Gambia Court of Appeal. Lamin
Camara and Neneh Cham-Chongan, Counsels for Captain Pierre John Mendy,
Captain Abdoukarim Jah, Captain Bunja Darboe, Lieutenant Momodou Alieu Bah, Private
Alagie Nying and Lance Corporal Babou Janha have filed their appeals last
week.
Borry Touray, counsel for Captain Yaya Darboe has also filed an appeal on
behalf of the convict almost three weeks ago.
Lamin Mboge, counsel for Corporal Samba Bah and Lieutenant Pharing Sanyang
also confirmed that he has filed appeals on the duo’s behalf some weeks ago.
Mboge refuted claims that he has withdrawn his representation for his clients.
Lamin Jobarteh, Counsel for Captain Wassa Camara could not be reached for
comments. The ten convicts were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment by a
Court Martial at the Yundum Military Barracks on April 19, 2007 following a
six months trial for their alleged involvement in a plot to overthrow the
government on March 21st, 2006.
Four of them who were sentenced to life imprisonment are Captain Bunja
Darboe, Captain Wassa Camara, Captain Yaya Darboe and Second Lieutenant Pharing
Sanyang.
Two of them who were jailed for twenty five years are Captain Abdoukarim Jah
and Lieutenant Momodou Alieu Bah.
The remaining four convicts, all of whom received ten years jail terms, are
Captain Pierre John Mendy, Corporal Samba Bah, Lance Corporal Babou Janha and
Private Alagie Nying.
PANIC ENSUES AS FIGHTING INTENSIFIES IN CASAMANCE
By Modou Jonga
Fighting, between rebel factions in the Senegalese region of Casamance, has
intensified earlier this week resulting to people fleeing the troubled region
into The Gambia. On Wednesday. A reporter was dispatched by Foroyaa to
Ndemban Sotokoi in the Western Region.
According to one Dembo Kujabi, an elder in the said village, the recent
fighting on The Gambia/ Senegal border is a matter of great concern, as villagers
are scared and terrified by the sporadic gun fire that they heard during the
night. He further told this reporter, that earlier this week, gun fire could
be heard almost every.
Regarding, the fleeing refugees, Mr. Kujabi noted that he cannot, as yet,
verify the exact figure but said refugees are continuously fleeing from
Casamance on a daily basis.
According to one Omar Colley, a purported refugees in his mid-twenties said
they were issued with warning from the warring rebel factions to desert their
settlement inorder to avert casualties. Mr. Colley asserted that the number
of people who flee from his village alone, due to the fighting, are estimated
to be well over three hundred. Part of the refugees include nursing mothers,
old women and children.
Speaking further to this reporter, Mr. Colley lamented that they are being
hosted by their relatives on the Gambian side of the border. He said, they are
yet to receive assistance from government agencies and humanitarian bodies.
The recent intensification of the fighting, has also hindered the economic
activities of people who depend on importing or trading in firewood, timber
and charcoal. The trade in timber and firewood from the Casamance has been
halted, noted Wuyeh Bah a timber trader.
According to Mr. Bah, the state of fear posed by the fighting, has stopped
them from going into the forest, because their partners (the middlemen) have
also fled their villages for safety. The trade in both timber, charcoal and
firewood collection has drastically declined. Many of the timber dealers who
spoke to this reporter have lamented that their timber supply has been stranded
in the Casamance forest owing to the fighting.
Rethinking Conflict Prevention and Resolution:
Strategies, Instruments, Institutions and Post Conflict Responses
[Lessons on the Pan African Parliament’s mission to Darfur] Halifa Sallah
Part 4
The European Parliamentarians for Africa requested for Halifa Sallah to rely
on his experience as the rapporteur of the mission of the Pan-African
parliament on Darfur to write the following article on the role of Parliaments in
Handling conflict trends in Africa .The article has been published by The
Association for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes based in South Africa.
We have so far published Part 1 and 2. We now published 3. for those who
wish to get the whole article we refer you to the letter at the end of this
article.
A NEW VISION
An impact assessment of the PAP mission to Darfur reveals new insights
regarding the role of parliaments in the prevention, management and resolution of
crises as well as its place in articulating and promoting post conflict
responses. This is also evident in the experiences of the PAP mission to Chad.
Orthodox mechanisms for the management and resolution of conflict are
generally restrictive and prescriptive. The civilian populations who are mostly the
victims during war are treated as objects without representation during and
after negotiations for peace agreements. Belligerents are engaged to accede
to cease fire agreements and political settlements are often restricted to the
allocation of different ministerial posts to leaders of armed opposition
groups in governments of national unity. This tendency to reward belligerents
and marginalize the leaders of various civil society groups often serves as a
pretext to widen the circles of belligerents.
The objective of war is to centralize power in order to impose the will of
the victor on the vanquished. The objective of democracy is the separation of
powers at the state level and devolution of power to all segments of civil
society to ensure collective leadership through participatory approaches to
decision making. The orthodox approach to conflict is to create a win-win
situation between belligerents without addressing the fundamental disparities and
injustices which gave rise to the conflict in the first place. Consequently
the sources of conflict remain intact long after the creation of governments of
national unity. In short, patriarchal relationships do not easily transform
into democratic relationships simply because of the displacement of
populations.
If post conflict mechanisms are to create viable states and a political
environment conducive to the emergence of sovereign citizens whose free and
incorruptible wills and unfettered rights to choose are the basis of
establishing legitimate governments then the basic tenets of respect for fundamental
rights and freedoms without discrimination of any person or category of
persons , democracy and good governance will be inculcated into the hearts and
minds of displaced persons wherever they may be. In short, refugees and
internally displaced persons (IDPs) in camps should be organized in democratic ways
to promote a culture of respect for human rights and popular participation in
decision making. Camps should be introduced to elections and civic
education on civil ,political ,social , economic and cultural rights and duties
.Those elected as provisional camp leaders and civil society leaders should be
part of negotiations, play active role in the drafting provisional
constitutions, and occupy positions in provisional decision making bodies to prepare
the ground for constitutional ,civil ,political ,economic ,social and cultural
normalcy. If inhabitants of camps for displaced persons and villages
unaffected by conflict are organized as democratic communities which empower their
members with rights and duties that are clearly defined, new citizens who
understand their sovereign rights and duties in a future state, would emerge.
Such emerging democratic communities would tolerate diversity , negate
patriarchy and discrimination on the basis of tribe , race ,gender ,ethnicity ,
religion and other characteristics; create a culture of respect for human
rights; and participatory approaches to decision making and transparent and
accountable civil administrations . This would inculcate a sense of common
destiny, empower all segments of civil society to embrace a culture of collective
leadership and thus guarantee the participation of all according to capacity
in creating a future marked by collective empowerment, collective liberty and
collective prosperity.
Every generation has the duty to bequeath to the next generation a better
society than they inherited from their predecessors .A generation that cannot
accomplish this task is a failed generation .History will one day determine
whether the current generation has accomplished its mission or has failed its
children. This is the challenge posed to the first generation of Africans in
the 21st century
Notes
Janjaweed is an Arab colloquialism which literally means “men with guns on
horses” They refer to the Arab militiamen who are primarily nomadic
NATIONAL DIALOGUE ON ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT
By Bubacarr K. Sowe
Participants from various works of life, on Thursday, May 24, converged at
the Boabab Holiday Resort in Bijilo to have dialogue on the “Economic
Partnership Agreement” (EPAs), signed between the European Union (EU) and ACP
countries.
The forum was organised by the National Youths Against Food Security
(NAYAFS) with funding from Action Aid International-The Gambia. The participants did
make recommendations emerging from discussions which will be presented to
the Speaker of the National Assembly on Monday.
The EPAs are being negotiated between the EU and countries in Africa, the
Carribbean and the Pacific (ACP), within the framework of the Cotonou
Partnership Agreement. The Cotonou Agreement’s primary objective is to help ACP
countries’ economic growth, removing trade barriers and indirect financing of the
production sectors and infrastructures in participating ACP countries.
However, Lamin Nyangado of Action Aid-The Gambia, in his opening remarks,
said some reports have it that the European Commission (EC) is negotiating EPAs
with the ACP in a way that fundamentally breaks the letter and spirit of the
Cotonou Agreement.
Abdoulie Bojang, Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly assured the
gathering that they will be supportive to the campaign against the EPAs.
Majidi Jallow, who is NAYAFS treasurer, said the introduction of the EPAs
will be damaging to the ACP.
The EPAs are continuously under attack by Civil Society Organisations across
Africa, who are campaigning that the EPAs are in favour of the EU and this
will damage the ACP Economies, increase poverty and food insecurity.
FOCUS ON POLITICS
JULY 30th UPRISING
THOUSANDS VOW TO DEFEND THEIR COUNTRY RESULTING TO EIGHT HUNDRED DEATHS.
With Suwaibou Touray
We have been focusing on politics. We have analyzed the political history of
the Gambia from pre-colonial to post independence era. We have started
narrating the happenings of the early 1980s. We have stopped where we said
Commander Tambajang was in action in Banjul but it was not clear which side he was
fighting for or against; that this must have been the information given to Sir
Dawda as a sign of resistance in the capital.
We now continue from were it stopped.
At this stage, Sir Dawda revealed his tactic and said, he was going right
away to Dakar Senegal to see if the Senegalese Government would want to help,
based on the 1964 defence pact which he claimed was signed between the
Republic of the Gambia and the Republic of Senegal. Others argued that the pact only
referred to a situation where either the Gambia or Senegal is being attacked
by an external enemy. He then chartered a plane from England direct to
Dakar.
According to the Outlook, the people were so convinced that Kukoi was in
control; that even a cabinet Minister Mr. Dembo Jatta and a head chief of Kombo
Central Mr. Sanjally Bojang went to the radio and prevailed on Jawara and
Abdou Diouf not send Senegalese troops to the Gambia. Pa Sanjally even called on
the president not to come, for the country does not belong to him alone;
that the young people have now said it is their turn to develop the country. He
called on him not to destroy the country and so on..
Hostage Taking
When it became clear that the Senegalese were on the way, Kukoi resorted to
the age old tactic of taking hostages. Kukoi might have done this with three
objectives in mind;
1. To make it very expensive for Jawara to decide on his plan to
deploy foreign troops to the Gambia;
2. To establish themselves in such a status and power position that
they would not only represent a real threat to the status quo but also
command loyalty and adherence from significant sectors of the population.
3. Thirdly, the kidnapping of certain people would be seen as a
consequence of the wrongdoing of Jawara which must be paid dearly, as well as,
for them to be seen as the de facto government.
Kukoi ordered the arrest of Sir Dawda’s wife, Lady Chilel and kids. He took
them to Radio Gambia to call on Sir Dawda not to come. She also emphasized
that Kukoi was indeed in control, with sobs.
At this stage, people were confronted with the option of following Kukoi or
siding with Jawara. Since many people believed that Kukoi was indeed in
control many pledged their support and loyalty to him and started to participate
actively in the struggle.
With the Senegalese threat hanging, Kukoi intensified the propaganda that
patriots should come out and repel the invasion. Young people thronged in their
numbers and climbed the back of trucks from places such as Brikama and
Serekunda and some even walked on foot and headed for Bakau to join the struggle.
At this time, many blamed Jawara for bringing a foreign power to come and
kill Gambians. The people far outnumbered the weapons.
According to Outlook, despite the death threats to his family and numerous
children, Sir Dawda was still prepared to sacrifice every thing for what he
called the welfare of the people.
According to Foroyaa (1988) Kukoi was in control for days, that many Field
Force personnel do not have any prior knowledge of the coup; that ministers
and members of parliament went into hiding; that none could hear their voices;
that Kukoi could walk into almost all police stations, any office, use any
government transport, speak over the radio and so on, without any obstacles.
Foroyaa reported that this was why many Field Force elements had to struggle
to win the favour of the new regime to retain their jobs.
The Senegalese finally arrived. The people initially became aware of it when
Kukoi took two arrested Senegalese combatants to the radio after capturing
many of them and told them not to interfere in Gambia’s domestic affairs. He
also said that he was in control and that president .Abdou Diouf should
withdraw his troops from Gambian soil, and that Jawara should send and collect his
family thus accepting defeat. He then threatened, according to Outlook that
he would kill all the captured prisoners if his demands were not met. He then
ordered them to take his message to Abdou Diouf to rinse hands off the Gambia
or bear the consequences. He also said he was fearless of death because he
had nothing to lose.
While Kukoi and his men were confronted with the Senegalese intervention
threat, the poor people, some of whom were armed, decided to help themselves
with the long cherished dream of manufactured goods, such as electrical
appliances and other essential commodities. Anything they could lay their hands on
was looted in the shops. The only areas that were spared were the Banks and
insurance companies.
It was either that the people did not have the sophistication, at the time,
to break into the banks, or that the field force and the police were so
effective in protecting some key institutions and installations, which saved those
places. .Kukoi constantly threatened to shoot people who were determined to
engage in looting. The looting spree could not be controlled. The people far
out numbered those who were struggling to prevent it. Some were infact shot
with their loot in the streets.
HOW DID THE SENEGALESE TROOPS INTRUDE THE GAMBIA?
According the Gambia Outlook, they first arrived through the air and dropped
the parachuters.
During the operation at the Banjul International Airport, they suffered so
many casualties because according to the Outlook they were with the illusion
that Gambians were poorly armed and that the rebels, as they were called,
would not be aggressive. The paper went on to insinuate that because of the stiff
resistance, the Senegalese believed that the rebels had bullet proofs
(jujus), chams.
It was also speculated that the rebels did not obey the regulations
governing war; that they had taken pot shots at the Senegalese in the air before they
landed. Through that the Senegalese invaders lost quite a number of their
troops. The desperate Senegalese were said to have utilized bombs on the rebels
and a commander Bojang died in that.
According to the Outlook, Kukoi was in full control for two clear days, that
is the 30th and 31st of July 1981. The second columns of Senegalese
contingents were led by Icie B.R.D Tamba, P.D.M.L. which troops arrived with tank
units. This contingent came from Tambacounda in Senegal through the high way
leading from Wellingara to Basse. They were said to have driven right through to
the capital city of Banjul. The troops experienced stiff resistance in
Brikama where several people had died including some Senegalese women. A lot of
skirmishes took place in the town centre resulting to several deaths mainly
civilians.
This columnist was serving as a volunteer for the Red Cross, at the time.
Their chief commanding officer was said to be adgt. Ebra Diop. From Brikama,
they passed through the airport to consolidate the situation there. Then they
drove through Lamin where they experienced some resistance.
According to reports, when the Senegalese were passing through Lamin, there
were
onlookers who came out and a rebel or rebels fired at them; that the fire
was returned, which resulted in the death of several children and many others
wounded.
The Senegalese, who must have by now suspected continuous attacks awaiting
them on the way to Banjul, exercised no mercy and did not take any chances.
They then drove through Serrekunda firing indiscriminately as they headed for
Banjul. According to reports, the famous Pa Njie Bass of the Ifangbondi Band
met his death when he was coming from Bakau in an MRC Land rover and met with
the Senegalese troops who shot and killed them, as they regarded them as
rebels, at sting corner. Throughout this period Kukoi was speaking over Radio
Gambia to the surprise of many observers.
According to the Outlook, the Senegalese troops went past through the Bakau
depot, Radio Gambia and Radio Syd and eventually to Banjul. But Kukoi could
still be heard over radio Gambia. It was later realised, according the
writings of MOJA, that Kukoi was using a portable radio transmitter while on his
escape route.
According to the Outlook, on Friday morning, explosions of bombs could still
be heard in Banjul coming from the Yundum area and Senegalese troops were
visibly seen for the first time all over the place. The estimated number of
casualties stood at 800 dead and thousands wounded.
See next issue for more on the happenings of the 1981 crisis.
FEATURE
HISTORY OF AFRICAN LIBERATION DAY
On April 1 5, in the city of Accra, Ghana, Afiican1eaders and political
activists gathered at the first conference of independent African states. It was
attended by representatives of the governments of Ethiopian, Ghana, Liberia,
Libya, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia, The United Arab Republic (which was the
federation of Egypt and Syria) and representatives of the National Liberation
front of Algeria and the Union of Cameroonian People. This conference was
significant in that it represented the first pan-African conference held on the
African soil. It was also significant in that it represented the collective
expression of African people’s disgust with the system of colonialism and
imperialism, which brought so much suffering on the people. Further it represents the
collective will to see the system of colonialism permanently done away with.
After 500 years of the most brutal suffering known to humanity the rape of
Africa and the subsequent slave trade which cost Africa in excess of
100,000,000 of her children the masses of African people singularly, separately and
individually in small disconnected groupings for centuries had said ‘Enough”!
But in l958, at the Accra Conference it was being said in a way that
emphasized joint, coordinated and unified action.
The Conference gave sharp clarity and definition to pan-Africanism as the
total liberation and unification of Africa under scientific socialism. The
Conference, as well, laid the foundation and the strategy for the further
intensification and coordination of the next stage of the African revolution for the
liberation of the rest of Africa and eventual and complete unification. The
conference called for the founding of African Freedom Day, a day to mark each
year after the onward progress of the liberation movement and to symbolize
the determination of Africans to free themselves from foreign domination and
exploitation. Five years later, after the first conference of independent
African states in the city of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, another historical meeting
took place.
On May 25, 1963, leaders of thirty two African states met to form the
Organization of African Unity (OAU). By then more than two thirds of the continent
had achieved independence from colonial rule. At this historic meeting the
date of African Freedom Day was changed from April 15th to May 25th and Africa
Freedom Day was declared African Liberation Day (ALD) African Liberation has
been held on May 25th in every corner of the world since then.
African Liberation Day has contributed to the struggle to raise the level of
political awareness and organization in African communities worldwide. It
has further been used as a tool to provide a platform for many Africans and
other oppressed
people to inform the African masses about their respective struggles for
true liberation and development, particularly for southern Africa, African
Liberation Day played a critical role in the defeat of colonialism and apartheid.
It inspires others to support through various progressive movements both in
Africa and the socialist countries around the world. The building of
anti-colonial and national liberation movement by generating arms for the freedom
fighters, offering a platform where the world could receive political education
on the nature of the struggle and providing a mass assembly where the spirit
and morale of the freedom fighters could be reinvigorated.
African Liberation Day has helped to expose U.S led imperialism. Zionism and
colonialism as enemies of Africa. Imperialists, for decades, have attempted
to distance African Liberation Day (And the African revolution in general)
from the struggle for socialism. Remember that it was, and is, capitalist
Europe and not the Soviet Union, Cuba, North Korea, China or Vietnam which
occupied, colonized and exploited Africa. Several states in Africa today became
independent because of military and other assistance from socialist countries.
From the first ALD held in Accra, Ghana, where Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah
planted the first seed to the hundreds of African liberation day observances which
have occurred all over the world. African Liberation Day stands committed to
the struggle for national independence, African redemption, African
liberation, African unification and scientific socialism. Today African Liberation
Day activities are being organised throughout Africa and all over the world
where African people are living and struggling. The journey down the
revolutionary path can only be accomplished working for the people. The freedom of
Africa and African people demands revolutionary action through revolutionary
organisation.
By Yunus S. Komma
(Pan Africanist)
Tel: 7243106
Kinteh to Lead Delegation to FIFA Congress
By Modou Nyang
GFA President Seedy Kinteh will tomorrow fly off to Zurich to attend the
57th Fifa Congress.
He will be accompanied by Jammeh Bojang Secretary General and Kemo Ceesay
Treasurer of the Gambia Football Association.
The trio will take part in the election for the top job in world football
including other matters relating to the effective running of the game of
football in the world.
The congress is scheduled to take place from the 29th to the 31st of this
month.
Ports Defeat Hawks, Real Beat Gamtel
By Modou Nyang
Gambia Ports Authority FC held on to a lone goal advantage to win Hawks to
maintain a good pace in the race to defend their crown at the Serrekunda West
grounds on Wednesday.
Hawks suffered their fifth defeat in a row when Gibou Drammeh capitalized
from a misjudgment by Hawk’s keeper and defenders to tap-in, in the 18th minute
of the first half.
Hawks having the wind at their backs pushed for an equalizer but tight
defending and an up to the task Ports keeper kept them at bay.
Elsewhere at the Serrekunda East grounds beleaguered Bakau side Steve Biko
and Armed Forces FC fired blanks after full regulation time, whilst Real de
Banjul beat Gamtel 1-0 in Banjul on the same day.
2nd Division League Week 5 Results
By Modou Jonga
In week five of the GFA second division league matches, Brikama United
defeated Samger FC 1-0 on Tuesday at the Serrekunda East playing grounds.
Kaira Silo played a goalless draw with Serrekunda East FC at Serrekunda West
whilst Interior FC inflicted a 1-0 defeat to Nema United at Banjul.
Ham Ham also beat Jambanjelly by a goal to nil at the Box Bar grounds in
Brikama, as Young Africans and Tallinding United fired blanks at the
Independence Stadium in Bakau.
Results of 2nd Draught Competition
1st Sheikh Njie of Dobson
2nd Lamin Conteh of Bakau Mamakoto
3rd Mansour Camara of Kololi Central
4th Baba Sarr of Bakau Sanchaba
5th Momodou Kanteh of Brikama NTC
U - 20 in Paradise Suites Hibernation
By Modou Nyang
The Under – 20 National team is camping at the Paradise Suites hotel in
Kololi.
In what could be described as the beginning of a full scale preparation for
the U – 20 World Cup in Canada, a total number of 24 players currently
training with the team are part of the camp.
A three weeks training camp in the UK where they will play some test matches
and another week in the United States before moving to Canada is scheduled
to follow. The foreign based trio of Ousman Jallow, Tijan Jaiteh and Ebrima
Sohna are expected to join the team in England.
The National Under – 20 team should have been in overseas training camp a
long time ago but a lack of funding for the program submitted by the coach Bonu
Johnson Led technical team, forced them to engage local clubs to prepare for
the second biggest football tournament in the world.
The Young Scorpions are pooled against Mexico, New Zealand and Portugal in
group C. They will play their first match against Mexico on July 2nd before
returning to action three days later against New Zealand before taking on
European giants, Portugal in the final match of the group. The first two in the
group progresses to the first knockout stage (round of sixteen).
Scorpions New Coach Jose Martinez in Town
By Modou Nyang
Jose Martinez the newly appointed head coach of the senior National football
team the Scorpions, is in town. He arrived into the country on Tuesday night
from Madrid.
Martinez who is contracted by a Spanish telecommunications firm Global Voice
replaced German Antoine Hey who refused to report for duties in a financial
wrangle with the sports Ministry. He will try to rescue the Scorpions bid to
qualify for the African Nations Cup in Ghana in January next year when they
travel to Conakry on June 3rd.
The Scorpions who before their last match against the Cyli Nationale of
Guinea where second in their group, fell one step back when they lost 2-0 at home
to the visiting Guineans. They now sit third in group 8 with 3 points from
three matches with only a superior goal advantage over bottom placed Cape
Verde. Only the winner of the group will qualify automatically for Ghana and the
others will have to struggle to pick up one of the three available spots for
the second best in each group out of the 12 groups of four teams.
Algeria are leading group 8 with 7 points followed by Guinea with 4 points.
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