Gambia L,
Until relatively recently, Gambians were the most passive people when it
comes to politics. Issues of political concern were generally shunned and
the only people most vocal and had a sustained interest were a very few.
It is very fair to say that before PDOIS came to the political scene,
politics in the Gambia was just an intermittent affair mainly dominated by
the PPP acolytes.
Hardly ever one read political statements - on very important issues - from
the disbanded political parties that were in the Gambia prior to the
emergence of PDOIS. The formation of the now-defunct Senegambia
Confederation epitomizes this factual statement.
Everything was done, and no Gambian politician at the time, had raised any
objection regarding the signing of the Senegambia Confederation and its
obnoxious clauses/provisions.
The issue of politicking was therefore a periodic affair: every five years,
the then opposition NCP would convene a meeting at Fitzerald Street in
Banjul and the party's leader, Sheriff Dibba, would give a ritual address to
the party faithfulls and the curious bystanders.
So it is indeed fair to point out that before the emergence of PDOIS, this
was the ritual that politics assumed in our beloved country.
But times, they say, do change and so do the theme, the protagonists and the
circumstances. Times have changed, and, certainly, the political
discourse/debate taking place on Gambia L is a clear testimony to that
platitude.
As evident now, Gambians - both home and abroad - have taken keen interest
in politics, addressing fundamental issues that affect their lives.
And, in my view, nothing is more inspiring and exciting than to read
constructive polemics of issues penetrating every facet of our daily lives.
It goes to affirm that our Nation has indeed emerged from its political
slumber; and, no wonder, Gambians are now, more than before, interpreting
political events for themselves rather than waiting for others to do it for
us. This is certainly a very healthy sign.
And in this regard, our women, in particular, deserve special commendation
for the useful contributions they are making to the debate. Anyway, that is
a topic of its own which I'll address in due course.
Meanwhile, I must say that the interesting thing about these developments is
the varied nature of our observations, assertions and postulations.
At least, one can safely say that democracy has taken a firm root in our
independence of self expression. Hence, the reasons for our disagreements in
terms of the interpretation of events, tactics and ideology.
The military take-over in the Gambia - in July 1994 - is certainly of
historical significance, and the lessons learnt are enormous. Yes, this was
not the first post-colonial insurrection to have plagued our country, but it
was certainly the first successful coup d'etat.
Hence, the way we handled the events that preceded the elections (the
transition period I mean) are bound to receive critical appraisals,
depending, of course, on one's expectations. One is naturally bound to
differ from others.
In any case, this was a completely new phenomenon: a government had been
toppled and its institutions either suspended or disbanded.
In short, things have fallen apart. The centre was no more and, as a result,
a new set up had to emerge to replace the old. HOW? was the most important
question which exercised the minds of many.
Here was a group of inexperienced young soldiers assuming a position of
immense responsibility. The members of the ruling military council (the
junta) at the time, were completely lacking experience in issues of
governance.
Hence, their fate and the fate of our country intertwined. Certainly, the
AFPRC did not have a clue as to where to start, upon seizing power in July
1994.
Their point of departure confirmed their lack of political maturity. First
and foremost, they were adamant at having BB Dabo, the former Finance
Minister, to come and rescue their economic programmes!!
They, the junta, exhibited nothing, but desperation at this point in time.
Consequently, a crisis of confidence was looming and the entire Nation was
holding its breath.
Rumours of counter insurgency were also rife and, as a result, a state of
panic gripped the hearts of the young soldiers. The ruling council became
very edgy and, subsequently, they issued statements that were very
defensive.
They asserted that they were "ready to give" their lives and "wreck havoc
all over the country" if there was any attempt to topple them, or restore
the ousted PPP regime back to power.
Rumours of Jawara being constantly visiting Dakar, Senegal, were fanned. The
ousted forces were not completely annihilated and, as such, a situation of
uncertainty obtained.
The military, in an attempt to entrench itself, became more and more
arrogant and, in fact, apprehended many innocent people as a consequence.
Human right violations became the order of the day.
They announced a four-year time table, but this did not augur well with the
democratic forces. The military increasingly hardened their position as more
rumours of foreign intervention persisted.
I remember distinctly how the junta had taken me to task and also how
nervous they were after I gave the BBC an interview, speculating as to why
the British Government had issued a Travel Advice, stopping British tourists
from going to the Gambia.
The BBC interviewer, Robin White, had asked me what I thought was the
reasons behind the issuance of the British travel Advice; and, in reply, I
said, among other things, that it may been prompted by persistent rumours
that foreign forces were grouping at the Gambian border to intervene in the
Gambia.
When I said this on the BBC's Focus On Africa Programme, members of the then
ruling military council were mad, or very angry with me!! You could see in
them, at this point, that they were panicking.
Clearly, in my view, at this point, the situation demanded one of two
options - either to alienate the Armed Forces and risk a complete social
upheaval or cajole with reassurances so that they can come up with a
programme that would eventually lead to the restoration of some form of
democracy in the Gambia.
This latter was definitely a very ambiguous position since it would create
the semblance of condoning the junta's actions. I stand to be CORRECTED
here, but it appears to me that FOROYAA, having read the situation as this,
opted to provide them (the junta) with guidance to ensure that they, the
military rulers, would sail through this volatile period intact.
Funnily, though, during the early the days of the coup, the junta did not
appreciate that in order to survive, it had to listen to the people. In
August 1994, they arrested Halifa Sallah and Sidia Jatta and accused the two
of violating the provisions of Decree 4, which had banned political parties
and their organs.
However, when Jammeh and colleagues in then Council realised that many
people in the Gambia, and outside the Gambia, were rallying behind Halifa
and Sidia as their "heroes", they mellowed down and had to listen to
Halifa's words of wisdom, otherwise they would have risked alienation.
Again, I stand to be CORRECTED, but, in my honest view, I think this was the
beginning of the whole misunderstanding and some people became suspicious of
Halifa's role during the transition period.
The junta then allowed limited civil rights, set up a National Consultative
Committee (NCC), which eventually recommended the reduction of the time
table, originally announced, from four years to two years.
From this point, there were some who felt that Halifa Sallah was
condescending to Jammeh. But, in all fairness, Halifa's priority, in
principle, was how to conserve/save the Gambia which incidentally
coincidently with the very preservation of the AFPRC.
People may have problem with Halifa's choice of tactics, but his
sincerity/integrity is unquestionable, in my view. What was achieved may not
have been the most ideal, but I, for one, have now realised that it was the
right approach.
At that point in time, the most important issue was how to establish the
institutions that would be functional to allow civic rights.
So, as a result of Halifa's arguments/proposals, coupled with other voices,
both at home and in the diaspora, the junta, or should I say Mr Jammeh,
capitulated.
Thus a route was created out of the cul de sac, which allowed, as I stated
earlier, the formation of the NCC, and then the holding of elections albeit
a farce.
The fundamental question to be asked now, in my view, is whether a badly
flawed transition was preferable to a continuation of undiluted military
rule.
In my view, and in the view of many observers of the Gambia's political
scene, in spite of all its imperfections, the change did mark a limited
movement away from military dictatorship and toward a kind of "liberalised
authoritarianism."
As for Mr Jammeh, he is a tyrant - period. We must not allow him and his
actions to divide us. We must engage in a process of understanding the
character more, and not allow him to derail us from the fundamentals.
In fact, we should revisit the new Constitution and try and work out how
best it can be amended to suit our needs and aspirations. For example, the
new Constitution mandates that the holder of the speakership of the House of
Representatives must come from among the ranks of the
presidentially-appointed Members of Parliament. That is wrong.
It is therefore not surprising that the Speaker of the House, Mustapha
Wadda, who was the Secretary General and Head of the Civil Service during
the transition period, has, from time to time, used the powers of his Office
to block critical motions in the House.
Under the old Constitution, the neutrality of the Speaker was of paramount
importance. The then government MPs and the opposition MPs had to consult
each other to ensure that the person chosen to become the speaker had the
support of all sides.
So let us not allow Mr Jammeh to divide us. He has to be kept on his toes,
for the sake our beloved country and her children.
Sorry if this posting has offended anyone. I didn't intend to offend anyone.
Ebrima Ceesay,
Birmingham, UK.
Brother Sheihk Tijan Nyang, thanks for obituaries you are posting to the L.
The Gambia is a small society and we are all one family. Sad to learn of the
passing away of Pa Salieu Cham. May his soul rest in peace.
Sam Njie, thanks for informing us - those of us in the UK - about the
Youssou Ndour show/dance.
Madi Jobarteh, this is Coach here. Where are you now? Are you back in the
News Room at Radio Gambia, or have you gone into Administration?
If you are still in the newsroom, extend my warmest regards to Sabelle
Badjan-Jagne and Peter Gomez. Tell Sabelle that I miss her excellent French
and her good journalism.
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