---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Tue, 7 Mar 2000 16:58:01 -0800
From: International Bicycle Fund <[log in to unmask]>
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To: wa-afr <[log in to unmask]>
Subject: [wa-afr-network] FW: LETTER TO THE STATE CHAIRS,
CO-CHAIRS AND STATE DELEGATIONS
-----Original Message-----
From: Bernadette Paolo [mailto:[log in to unmask]]
Sent: Tuesday, March 07, 2000 3:07 PM
Subject: LETTER TO THE STATE CHAIRS, CO-CHAIRS AND STATE DELEGATIONS
LETTER TO THE STATE CHAIRS, CO-CHAIRS AND STATE DELEGATIONS
OF THE NATIONAL SUMMIT ON AFRICA
March 7, 2000
The National Summit on Africa held February 16-20,2000 was a powerful
testament to your hard work, dedication, commitment and investment in
the critical cause of strengthened relations between the United States
and Africa. Your passionate commitment to a mutually beneficial U.S.
African partnership over the past two years and at the National Summit
in Washington had a profound impact on U.S. policy makers and the
American public at large. The Secretary General of the Organization of
African Unity, President Clinton, Secretary of State Albright and other
American and African officials recognized that you are a bona fide,
serious, potential political force. Their presence at the National
Summit reflected this awareness. They now understand that Africa Matters
to a broad spectrum of the American people. Without you, these dynamics
would not have been possible!
Although much has been accomplished, a more difficult phase of our work
has just begun. The National Policy Plan of Action must be implemented.
For this to occur within a reasonable time period, we must work together
and develop a viable education and advocacy action strategy that will
require support from the State Delegations and thousands more across the
United States.
During a meeting with Chairs of State Delegations midway through the
Regional Summit process and ever since, you the delegates and
participants around the nation have pressed the Summit Secretariat to
address the question of a post-Summit mechanism to implement the Plan of
Action. [This expectation reached its zenith when the Summit's Dialogue
and Celebration of Africa exceeded our aspirations.] In reacting
responsibly to your expressed sentiments and the call for definitive
follow-up action, the Summit Secretariat, consistent with policy
directives from the Board of Directors, initiated an internal process to
formulate a realistic way forward. Our very preliminary plans to sustain
the Summit's work were bolstered by the ringing mandate echoed by
thousands of participants at the National Summit on Africa in
Washington. Rest assured that we will consult with a cross section of
State Chairs and Delegates in reaching final decisions related to
structure, methods of communication and the nature of the relationship
between the Summit Secretariat and the states. Moreover, in concert with
plans to restructure the Board of Directors, we will reserve six Board
positions for one representative from each of the six regions. We have
already consulted with some of you by telephone concerning the future
plans of the Summit Secretariat. Following the special meeting of the
Executive Committee of the Board held this weekend, this consultative
process will continue through a series of conferences calls.
In the final segment of this letter, we find it necessary to address
issues raised by some recent communications sent to you. While it is the
policy of the National Summit on Africa not to respond to commentary
that criticizes its actions, in the interest of transparency, we do feel
constrained to provide some observations on a recent electronic article
by Jim Lobe and Jim Carlson, which contained several false statements
and half-truths.
The allegation that the National Summit on Africa used a Atop-down
approach that failed to adequately consult with existing local groups
and long established NGOs with national networks...@ is simply false.
First, eleven of the major Africa focused groups or groups with Africa
as a major area of concern, are members of the NSOA Board of Directors
(AAI, the Africa Fund, APIC-WOA, Africa News Service, the African
Studies Association, the Constituency for Africa, the Corporate Council
for Africa, International Human Rights Law Group, the Modern Africa Fund
Managers, USA for Africa, the Africa Office of the National Council of
Churches). Reverend Leon Sullivan, Randal Robinson of TransAfrica and C.
Payne Lucas of Africare are National Co-Chairs. The labor movement is
also represented on the Board. Secondly, the six Regional Summits were
democratic and open to all persons, including Africans, residing in the
states within a given region. Indeed a special effort was made to ensure
that a cross section of the American people would be represented
including youth, academics, faith based communities, non-governmental
organizations, women's and environmental groups, elected officials, the
corporate community, resident Africans and ordinary citizens. This
search for diversity was made quite clear to the institutional partners
in the six regions, as well as to state representatives when they
convened to elect their delegates. Indeed from the very outset of
operations, the Summit's stated philosophy and practice has been of
inclusion, diversity, bipartisan, and completely open to everyone.
Finally, while the NSOA Secretariat did provide a Draft Plan of Action
(DPA) based upon a set of thematic issue papers researched and written
by African and American academics, NGO representatives and the policy
relevant community, all participants in the Regional Summits and
delegates at the National Summit were free to modify the document as
they saw fit, with no interference from the Summit Secretariat.
In citing the support for the African Growth and Opportunity Act by the
President Clinton, the Secretary of State, Senior Director for Africa at
the NSA, and Secretary of Transpiration Slater, Messrs. Lobe and Cason
neglected to point out that every single African official who spoke at
the Summit including the Secretary General of the OAU, the Secretary
General of the Economic Commission for Africa, the Vice President of
Nigeria, the foreign ministers and the Ambassadors to United States from
Senegal and South Africa, voiced their firm support for the Africa Trade
bill and called for its rapid passage. Indeed we support the African
leaders in their desire for a trade bill. The charge cited in the
article that the National Summit was being Acontrolled by people with an
emphasis on trade and investment and that@... these are the new
colonizers@ is intriguing, since a colonizer is one who settles in a
colony. In contrast, it is perhaps those who think they know what is
best for Africa, despite Africa=s clear statements to the contrary, that
are acting in a paternalist manner characteristic of the former colonial
powers.
The allegation that the National Summit is Abeing hijacked by a
leadership with a corporate friendly agenda@ or will be dominated by
corporate interests is silly at best. In October 1998, the Board of
Directors adopted a policy with respect to corporate funding that
states, inter alia " in identifying and evaluating prospective donors,
the Summit will take into account the overall governance and corporate
responsibility record of each corporation. In researching corporations
special consideration will be given to human rights, workplace and
diversity issues, environmental record, operations abroad, and corporate
giving history." Every corporation that was approached for funding was
checked in advance through a due diligence procedure at the
Secretariat's fund-raising secretariat based at the Carnegie Endowment
for Peace. Upon completion of this review process, the file was
submitted to the Board of Directors for its approval. All corporate
gifts received were approved if not by the unanimous consent, then by
the vast majority of the Board.
The lion's share of the financial support has come from the Ford and
Carnegie Foundations. To suggest that a diverse group of corporations
who gave a total of $315,000 in the five weeks preceding the National
Summit would have any serious influence when even those that provided
$6.8 million tried in no way to influence the substantive positions in
the Draft and the final National Plan of Action, simply makes no sense.
Virtually all non-governmental organizations seek and accept funds from
corporate donors and have corporate representatives on their respective
Boards of Directors. All of the NGOS, including Africa focused groups,
actively seek and receive foundation grants, which are, after all,
resources generated from corporate profits.
The report that the Afinal assembly was clouded with charges by many
grassroots and non-governmental organizations rooted in the
antiapartheid (sic) movement that the mobilizing effort put into the
Summit risked being hijacked by a leadership with a Acorporate friendly
agenda,@ is untrue. Only one individual read a document for which
signatures were being sought during the conference. The delegate from
New York was given the opportunity to speak, not to avoid a disruption
as implied by reporters, but rather because the National Summit supports
the articulation of diverse points of view. The fact that no petition
was presented at that time suggests that this was a position of a very
small minority. Moreover, apartheid in South Africa was sui generis
involving clear racial, class and ideological cleavages. The
democratization of South Africa can be attributed not only to the
struggle waged by the African liberation movement, but also to the
sustained, valiant and effective efforts of the anti-apartheid movement
in the US and other parts of Europe. That battle has been won and the
role played by American anti-apartheid groups, including most of the
individuals on the Summit Board, should be commended. However, the
issues that challenge the rest of Africa are more complex and require
different analyzes and responses.
With respect to the personal attacks against the President of the
National Summit on Africa, it is important to note for the record that
Leonard Robinson was appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Africa in 1983 with responsibility for U.S. economic and commercial
policy toward sub-Saharan Africa, not Southern Africa and the
controversial policy of constructive engagement. Inside the Department
of State he repeatedly warned fellow policy makers that American policy
toward Southern Africa was wrong and that the Free South Africa Movement
would succeed in mobilizing American public opinion against the
constructive engagement policy. He left the Department of State in 1984
when it became clear that his warnings were ignored to become the first
President of the U.S. African Development Foundation. Initially,
Congressionally funded with an appropriation of $1 million, by the time
he left in 1990, its Congressional funding had risen to $17 million.
As Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs from 1990 to
1993, his portfolios included West and Central Africa, narcotics,
democracy and terrorism. In 1992-93, 62.4% of all drug traffickers
arrested at JFK International Airport were Nigerian. Illicit drugs
interdicted through these arrests were headed for the streets of our
inner city communities and constituted a threat to U.S. national
security.
In 1993, Leonard Robinson, while working for the then law firm of
Washington & Christian, the firm, with the encouragement of U.S.
authorities, agreed to assist the Government of Nigeria in establishing
a drug interdiction program, including initiating a poly-graph system
for all police officers, security personnel and border guards, and to
help formulate an official drug policy. Leonard Robinson and others
presently working with Africa focused organizations, worked on this
project. This work was conducted in the national security interest of
America.
As noted by the reporters, the National Summit on Africa process was
modeled after the United Nations world conferences. One of the cardinal
principles of the UN system is sovereign equality, which is rooted in
the belief that every nation, despite the views and actions of its
government, should be treated with courtesy and respect, and has the
right to articulate its views before the world forum. Ralph Bunche,
former Under Secretary General of the UN, once said that there are no
crosses or tombstones on the battlefield of debate. The accepted
practice to express dissent is to leave the room, rather than disrupt a
session, which intrudes upon the rights of others. The Summit extended
an invitation to every African Head of State with whom the United States
has diplomatic relations. President Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya, with the
encouragement of the Department of State, accepted the Summit's
invitation. Several other nations like Benin, Senegal, Tanzania and
Mozambique were in the midst of electoral campaigns or had just held
elections. For reasons of protocol, many other African Heads of State
were reluctant to make a commitment to attend the National Summit, prior
to the confirmation that President Clinton would address the Summit.
The article by the reporters quotes heavily from a confidential internal
document requested by the Board of Directors in November 1999. It was a
discussion paper and was not projected as official policy. Leaking this
document to the press represents a breach of confidence. As it turned
out, the Board of Directors considered a set of recommendations from the
Executive Board at its meeting in February 2000 and decided by a vote of
16 for, 4 against and 1 abstention to agree in principle to the
establishment of a Phase II of the National Summit on Africa for the
purpose of implementing the National Plan of Action, following broad
consultations with Africa focused groups and other interested
constituencies.
In this connection, perhaps the most puzzling position cited in the
article was that the National Summit on Africa was established with the
understanding that it would end with the completion of the National
Summit and that, therefore, to prolong it is a breach of faith. Does
that mean that the Constructive Engagement position of the Reagan
Administration should never have been reversed? No organization,
university, corporation or government policy is static. Dynamism
requires that institutions respond to new realities. The delegates from
around the country energized by the Summit process have forcefully
called upon the Summit to continue its work - - especially to educate
Americans about Africa and to ensure implementation of the National
Policy Plan of Action - - and to keep them involved in it. Why invest
significant resources and work to create a constituency if you are not
prepared to sustain it? The very essence of effectiveness is to always
follow-through on what you initiate.
In conclusion, the National Summit on Africa has been in existence only
slightly more than three years. Growing pains and other challenges not
withstanding, it admittedly is not perfect. As has been publicly
acknowledged, there is room for improvement and strengthening of
operations, including communications with those you who comprise a vast
and growing network. However, what took place in Washington two weeks
ago was no mirage, you experienced it, you made it happen. Do not allow
anyone to challenge this reality - - nor its historic, constructive
impact. Nothing worthwhile in life is gained with out vision,
determination, good luck and the right mix of a dedicated core of people
to a common purpose. In the final analysis, all the National Summit on
Africa seeks is that the realities of Africa be known and understood by
the American people; that the support base for Africa in the United
States expands dramatically and that American policy towards the nations
of the African Continent be responsive to their legitimate needs and our
respective mutual interests.
As over 600 papers around the world have reported, you have demonstrated
the Africa Matters to Americans. There is no turning back. We must all
stay the course.
Sincerely,
Herschelle S. Challenor Leonard H.
Robinson, Jr.
Chair, Board of Directors President and Chief Operating
Officer
------------------------------------------------------------------------
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