Hamjatta,
It's been almost a week after you promised Buharry that you will respond to
his Questions. I hope you will do so ASAP.
  I really enjoy your writings but if you fail to answer these questions, I
and many will start to utilise the DELETE button on your e-mails and
consider you as one of those who are just out to attack those helping to
shape a better Gambia.

Have a nice day

Amadou

" Intellectual Dishonesty is a crime"




>From: MOMODOU BUHARRY GASSAMA <[log in to unmask]>
>Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list
><[log in to unmask]>
>To: [log in to unmask]
>Subject: Re: Taking Stock
>Date: Thu, 10 Aug 2000 04:17:54 +0200
>
>Hi Hamjatta!
>                   When you wrote "over to you gentlemen", I assumed as one
>of those who has recently praised Halifa and co. that your invitation
>included me. Before going to the issues you raised, I don't think there is
>anything wrong with expressing one's appreciation of the personalities
>behind PDOIS and the personal sacrifices they have made for our country.
>That is a prerogative we are within our rights to enjoy. I for one am truly
>impressed by Halifa and co. and I take pride in making it known. In fact,
>you impress me and I have made it known on a number of occasions on this
>list and the first time I made it known was during your first debate with
>none other than Halifa. I had and still have the prerogative to declare
>that Halifa, you and anyone else impress me. Declaring such is in my
>opinion a better alternative to what we have seen lately on the L.
>
>             That aside, you wrote: "Indeed, writer after writer merely
>stresses the point the Geat Leader, Halifa himself, makes in his missives
>to the Jammeh since the April murders. They claim there is no credible
>alternative to the Great Leader sitting in his Churchill's Town HQs penning
>letters which implore the dictator to have a rethink on his strangle hold
>on the Gambian people and advocating that elections [even if as their
>deliverance are being muddled by throw-away threats by the gov't which cast
>question marks over them ever taking place] and the political process are
>t! he only viable options existing to the Gambian people to deal with
>Jammeh."
>
>      Maybe other writers claimed that there is no other option to Halifa
>penning letters. I can therefore not comment on that because I don't agree
>with the statement. As to whether the political process is the only viable
>option, I feel that the political process coupled with continuous internal
>and external pressure is a much better alternative than the repeated calls
>for violent means of bringing about change. Whereas change that is brought
>about politically can offer tested leaders who have had a chance to explain
>their policies and programs to the people, change that is brought about by
>violent and sudden means offers a Russian roulette alternative. It is
>granted that there is a possibility that such a change of government can be
>effectively and efficiently executed without loss of life and destruction
>of property and that such a change can produce a leader who has the
>interests of the nation at heart. However, the dangers associated with that
>method are plenty and cannot be ignored. Something can always go wrong even
>with the most carefully planned operation and the result can be devastating
>for our country. Another risk, given that the people executing such
>operations can be any Tom, Dick or Harry, is that we might have someone who
>is worse than Yaya. Much, much, much worse. What do we do then? Pray that
>someone else violently removes him? Isn't that akin to creating a coup
>industry whereby anyone with guts and the blessings of a marabout can
>attempt to overthrow a government? What are the implications of such an
>industry on the stability and security of our country? Another risk is that
>people propagating for a violent change of government might be doing so out
>of a wish to revenge personal wrongs meted out by the government or by
>Yaya. Instead of "praying" Yaya to "Tan" (just joking) and getting on with
>it, they might use the Gambian people as pawns in an endeavour that could
>go wrong with horrendous consequences. What would happen if such people
>succeed? Would they kill and imprison everyone associated with Yaya? Is
>that good for the continuity of our country as a viable entity? Even though
>the political option is not the panacea to The Gambia's ills or even a
>likely solution, the risks associated with the violent option are many. (On
>a less related note, acquire IP tracing software and trace some of the IP
>addresses of some of the people propagating violent change in The Gambia
>and claiming to be in The Gambia, "on the ground", "in the this" or "in the
>that" and you'll be really surprised when you see some writing from Russia,
>England, US etc.)
>
>             You also wrote: "If as these Alumni of PDOIS/Foroyaa are
>gloating about the success or inevitability of success of the strategy of
>their party, surely it's about time one takes them to task and ask them to
>empirically state how the aforesaid strategy has made any concrete
>difference since the gruesome murders of April 10 and 11. It is time we ask
>ourselves what is working or practically workable as we struggle with the
>dictator."
>
>      It is empirically impossible to measure whether PDOIS' strategy
>vis-à-vis the April massacre has had some effect just as it is empirically
>impossible to determine if it didn't have an effect. Why? Because even if
>one were to institute a study, the available variables would render coming
>to a conclusion practically impossible due to, among other reasons, the
>multi-pronged reaction and handling of the massacre. That aside, one can
>see that the total and universal condemnation, including but not limited to
>PDOIS' approach, has had an effect no matter how small. Yaya could have
>reacted when he came back from Cuba in his usual fashion and picked up the
>line of his officials, which so infuriated the Gambian people. He didn't. A
>commission was instituted. That also is an indication of the effect the
>pressures had. The Government's fear in releasing the Coroner's Report also
>indicates a fear of the reaction of the people assuming that the report is
>damning. I am not saying that all this is the panacea to the issue of the
>April massacre. It might even be counter-productive to the desire to get to
>the truth but at least giving in to the pressures levied by among others,
>PDOIS, is an indication of the effect that penning letters at Churchill's
>Town or strongly condemning brutal acts from Oxford can have. The letters
>of PDOIS and the actions of others made it possible for the ban on the UDP
>to hold rallies to be lifted. That also is testimony, no matter how small,
>that the PDOIS strategy is having an effect.
>
>             On the issue of the political parties staging civil
>disobedience measures, maybe all the political parties can give you an
>answer. I personally respect the decisions of the parties to either engage
>in such or not, given that they are more in tune with the realities on the
>ground than I am. I respect the fact that such a move is a strategic one
>that has to consider timing,practicability, risk not only to one's self but
>also to supporters, resources and a host of other variables and has to be
>done after the parties feel that they do not have any other option. Whilst
>I can see the benefits of such a move, I can also see risks involved which
>include giving Yaya the opportunity to declare a state of emergency,
>rounding up all the political leaders and indefinitely postponing the
>elections. It has happened in other countries.
>
>      Hamjatta, I have tried to deal with the issues you raised. I however
>have some questions for you if you don't mind, given that you wrote: "It is
>time we ask ourselves what is working or practically workable as we
>struggle with the dictator." The questions are:
>
>   1.. What has been your strategy since the April massacre as a concerned
>citizen to ensure that justice is served?
>   2.. How is it different from PDOIS'?
>   3.. How have you implemented the strategy or how do you intend to
>implement the strategy?
>   4.. Can you guarantee or at least gauge whether the results of your
>strategy will have a higher success rate than PDOIS'?
>   5.. What do you base such predictions or pronouncements on?
>   6.. What alternative approach can you proffer to deal with the current
>political impasse in The Gambia given that PDOIS' approach is not, in your
>opinion, working?
>   7.. How do you intend to institute your alternative?
>   8.. What do you expect PDOIS and the other political parties to do in
>the meantime?
>   9.. Given that you feel that the political process is not a workable
>alternative, do you believe that the only available or workable option
>would be a violent overthrow of the Government?
>   10.. When? What if that is not possible in the next one, two, five, ten
>years?
>   11.. Should the political parties stop all operations and wait for the
>alternative you propose or do you believe that they are obliged under the
>Constitution of The Gambia and their own to propagate by lawful means their
>beliefs?
>      Sorry for the long list of questions. Anyway, The Gambia is in a
>quagmire and I don't think that PDOIS or their supporters claim to have the
>universal remedy for the country's woes. What they claim is to have small
>steps which are pursued through pressure be it in the form of letters or
>otherwise. PDOIS and their supporters are however not the only people to
>have a claim to The Gambia. If the other stakeholders, in the form of
>political parties and concerned citizens, contribute in their small ways a
>cure will eventually be found when all adds up. Thank you and have a good
>evening.
>
>
>                                                         Buharry.
>
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