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From:
Joe Sambou <[log in to unmask]>
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The Gambia and related-issues mailing list <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Mon, 26 Apr 2004 17:00:40 +0000
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Foroyaa Newspaper Burning issues

Issue N0.32/2004, 19-21 April, 2004

Editorial

PUTTING THE CART BEFORE THE HORSE

ADVICE ON "OPERATION CLEAN THE NATION"

Thought without practice is sterile, practice without thought is misguided.
We must link strategic planning with action. We all want the nation to be
clean.

National Assembly Members have been receiving complaints regarding the poor
waste disposal facilities in our communities. This has been mentioned over
and over again during adjournment debates at the National Assembly. What is
needed is a planning scheme on how to dispose off the current waste and
prevent it from accumulating in the future.

The Mayors of Banjul and KMC could convene a meeting of political,
traditional, religious and other community leaders to present views on the
current facilities available for waste disposal, determine their adequacy or
otherwise and exchange views on a realistic plan of action to clean the
Greater Banjul Area.

The Chairperson of the Area Councils could also organize the same type of
meetings in different areas to discuss the same issue and come up with a
plan of action.

This will enable the councils to know its potentials and limitations in
terms of waste disposal and prepare development programmes to address
inadequacies.

Let us take the KMC area as an example. We have called on the authorities to
first put the Bakoteh Dump Site in order. If this place is not put in order
the highway and the SOS Village will be put in jeopardy when all the waste
that is currently piled up in street corners is transported to the site. The
Bakoteh Dump Site is an environmental tragedy. This is the first area that
should be properly managed.

Secondly, each ward development committee should identify ward dumpsites
where waste collection facilities are placed for the neighbourhood. The
council should provide what is needed and ensure consistent collection of
the waste for disposal.

Thirdly, all the residents of the ward should be sensitized to clean their
homes daily, which is already a culture and dispose off the waste as
suggested by the ward development committees. This will ensure systematic
collection and disposal of waste rather than the chaotic and sensational
scheme suggested by the President which left waste piling up in the streets
and the Bakoteh Dump Site in a state of environmental catastrophe.

Desirable objectives should be pursued in a realistic manner to avoid flaws
after much effort has been made. If the ward and village development
committees are allowed to function and resources put at their disposal there
will be no need for fortnightly cleaning up exercise. People would do it
daily without any dictation from an executive. Cleaning homes is a culture
in The Gambia. What is required is the facility, structure and
administration for proper waste collection and disposal. We hope our advice
will not fall on ears that refuse to listen.

POLICE BRUTALISE DRIVER

One Buba Jatta of Brikama, a driver of a commercial vehicle was on Thursday,
1st April 2004 at around 5 p.m. assaulted by two Police Officers from the
Brikama Police Station.

When I got to the Brikama Taxi Park I saw Police Inspector Jawo asking Buba
to remove his vehicle registration No. WD 2903 from where it was parked
inside the Brikama Car Park. Buba told the inspector that the key of the
vehicle was with his apprentice and promised to remove the vehicle from the
position it was in the car park.

The Inspector became enraged with anger and made a phone call using a mobile
phone. Soon after a Police Officer arrived with a handcuff.

He immediately handcuffed Buba. To my surprise Inspector Jawo then grabbed
Buba’s neck with his two hands and pulled him in the direction of the Police
Station. The other officer meanwhile also grabbed Buba by the arms and
pulled him in the same direction. Occasionally, Inspector Jawo was seen
hitting him with an iron bar. In fact, I was told the next day by Buba the
beatings continued while in detention at the Brikama Police Station. Buba
also said that this was not the first time he was harassed by the inspector.

I followed the Police Officers as they carried Buba to the Police Station. I
wanted to speak to Inspector Jawo who is also the station officer but he
told me that he had no time. I was interested in knowing his opinion on what
he had done and the complaints of drivers at the car park. Many drivers
whose vehicles were parked at the station soon gathered at the station but
he sent them away and promised to take them to court.

COMMENT: The Inspector General of Police has to pursue a programme of
enlightenment of police officers so that they will conduct themselves in a
decent manner and in accordance with the law. If the police have a case
against Buba they should simply charge him and take him to court. Needless
to say, section 21 of the constitution is explicit on this issue. It states:
"No person shall be subjected to torture or inhuman degrading punishment or
other treatment."

The action of the police officers was therefore a violation of the
fundamental rights of Buba. The matter requires urgent attention.

THE PAN AFRICAN PARLIAMENT

HISTORY, CHALLENGES AND WAY FORWARD

Speech Delivered At The Inaugural Session Of The Pan African Parliament,
18-20TH March 2004. Consequently, people continue to accuse Nkrumah of
neglecting Ghana’s development in pursuit of prestigious projects to be the
king of Africa, some even making the rhetorical statement that seeking the
political kingdom has not brought everything when they know very well that
the right to self determination was just the first step and the second step
in bringing African unity never materialized.

Fellow Parliamentarians, by the time the leaders met in Addis to discuss a
way forward for the continent the original Pan African idea was embraced
only by few of them.

This is why the leaders who met in 1963 simply worked out a historic
compromise. It is our duty to consult history to know the price and
consequences of such compromise.

History teaches us that prior to the 1963 meeting, which gave birth to the
OAU African Nationalism, was advocated for by those who were genuinely moved
by the ideals of Pan Africanism. However, the vast majority of the leaders
were already satisfied in being the heads of state of countries. They only
paid lip service to the creation of an African nation. Commission Chairman
Konare is now a diplomat. He is not out to sow the seed of discord. This is
why he presented the leaders who met to establish the OAU as a heterogeneous
group. Even though the leaders had some differences they all accepted the
dictate of Haile Sellassie. The fact of the matter is that the leaders
simply agreed to disagree on the immediate establishment of an African Union
head of state was to respect the former colonial borders.

The preamble of the OAU Charter spoke about the determination to safeguard
and consolidate the hard won independence as well as the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of states. There was no mention of the creation of an
African Nation. The leaders simply established the strategic objective to
enforce links between our states by establishing and strengthening common
institutions.

There were no bold plans to establish new institutions to build a united
Africa. Their vision was restricted to the harmonization of few institutions
and policies of the various states on the basis of non-binding and readily
ignored treaties. Those who inspired the leaders to think of Nkrumah’s idea
of independent African states contributing to the total liberation of the
continent were the Algerian delegation whose country had up to 800, 000
combat troops deployed by France to suppress their resistance to colonial
rule. They told the leaders that they were ready to commit troops for the
liberation of the continent.

Fellow Parliamentarians, the type of OAU that the leaders bequeath to
posterity was not the African Nation envisaged by the Pan Africanists who
pioneered the liberation of the continent. We must learn from their mistakes
in order to build the new African Nation which aims to build a united and
strong Africa. This very Parliament is designed to bring the people on board
so that African unity will not be a matter for heads of state alone but an
agenda for the people to attain political freedom and independence, human
dignity and economic emancipation. This Parliament is charged with the
responsibility to strengthen continental solidarity and build a sense of
common identity among the peoples of Africa, promote principles of human and
people’s rights, democracy and rule of law, encourage transparency and
accountability in member states, build partnership between all segments of
civil society to strengthen democratic institutions and culture. We are here
to address the multif! aceted challenges that confront our continent.

However, we cannot meet the challenges of our destiny until we look at
reality squarely in the face. The first thing that should preoccupy our
minds is that we are a parliament in the making, a parliament in the
embryonic stage. We are yet to be a fully-fledged parliament. We are not a
deliberative organ with a decision-making powers that are binding to the
union. According to Article 2 of the protocol establishing the parliament we
have consultative powers only until a new mandate is given. Since the
protocol mandates the Pan African Parliamentarians to represent all the
peoples of Africa we must have the authority to make decisions on their
behalf. I therefore strongly recommend for an advisory committee to be set
up comprising experienced parliamentarians like the Speaker of the South
African Parliament, some of the Presidential and Vice Presidential
candidates during the election to the office of President and Vice President
of the Parliament and such persons who have! proven to be knowledgeable and
competent during the course of our deliberation. Such people should be
charged with the responsibility of reviewing the protocol and suggest a
programme for the systematic empowerment of the parliament to have decision
making authority that is binding. It goes without saying that while the
legislative authority of the parliament could emerge gradually with the
evolution of the African Union the decision-making powers should be accorded
with immediacy. In my view, once the parliament is duly established no
matter affecting the parliament such as the locating of its headquarters
without its approval would be effected.

Such decisions should be made by the parliament. Article 16 of the protocol
however gave the authority to the Assembly of Heads of States. I sincerely
hope that democratic standards will be established in selecting a country to
be the seat of the parliament. I strongly suggest that the country should be
an example in the promotion of democratic institutions, processes and
practices or culture.

This will give the Union integrity and focus in the promotion of the
democratization process on the African continent. Principles should prevail
over financial considerations even though the importance of sustainability
cannot be disregarded. We should be able to make recommendations to the
Heads of States for amendments of the protocols. The Pan African Parliament
can be empowered to review and debate on draft conventions and protocols
before signature by the Assembly of Heads of States and before handing them
over for ratification by the respective parliaments. The observations of the
Parliament should be conveyed to the Assembly for due consideration as may
be required by an amended protocol. To promote the implementation of
conventions and protocols civil society organizations and oversight
institutions like the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights may be
mandated to give annual reports to the parliament for review. This will
enable African Parliamentarians! to take up issue with the home governments
for redress of shortcomings. This parliament should break the spirit of
nationalism of individual states and sub-regional and linguistic loyalties.
This is why the protocol says under Article Six that we are here in our
personal and independent capacity. We need to subject the principles,
conventions like NEPAD and other documents of the Union to debate in this
parliament and convey information to the African people.

Fellow Pan African Parliamentarians, Commission Chairman Konare stated that
the future belongs to Africa. Let me hasten to add that my position is
completely free from chauvinistic sentiments. I say this on the basis of the
fact that Europe still retains a monarchical tradition in many of the member
states of the European Union. In our case, we are building a Republican
Africa, an Africa free from Monarchs, an Africa of the people. As
parliamentarians we must urge the Assembly so that no country with a monarch
in Africa will be admitted as part of the Union. We should set targets and
launch a vigorous campaign for an Africa that is a sovereign republic. We
can succeed in building an Africa which is a truly Sovereign Republic, an
Africa where sovereignty or power resides in the people, an African Nation
where each citizen is conscious of his or her sovereign power and authority
to participate as an equal partner to determine the destiny of the
continent. If we succeed in b! uilding such a continent Africa will provide
examples for others to follow. It is within our capacity to carve such a
destiny and help transform the whole world. In short, a people who have
suffered marginalization more than any people are in a better position to
uplift the human condition from the abyss of wretchedness if we are aware,
organized and committed to build a free, prosperous and democratic Africa.
Africa has a right to learn from others and a duty to teach others! This is
how we can make the future to belong to our common humanity. This is what
will elevate Africa like a star to join the world constellation of dignified
Nations as the Pan Africanist wanted it.

Some people claim that the pioneers of Pan Africanism did not promote
democracy in Africa, that they were the architects of one party states.
Wisdom demands that we interrogate such assertion. Those who gave their
lives and fill the jails to achieve the right to self-determination were
truly democrats. They wanted the people to do away with colonialism and
affirm the right to self-determination, self-government and sovereign and
Independent existence. We must differentiate the genuine Pan Africanists who
feared that multiparty systems would lead to disintegration of countries on
the basis of tribe ethnicity, religion, language and other sentimentalist
attitudes from the tyrants who establish dictatorship to rule with impunity.
The fears of such genuine Pan Africanists are not misconceived. They should
serve as warning to us. They would like us to prove them through practice
that their fears could be laid to rest. Our era can do so by ensuring that
political parties are fo! rmed on the basis of principles, policies,
programmes and practice and that they differ only on the basis of these
factors and not on tribe, race, religion or other factors. Once such parties
are built the multiparty state would serve as a means of encouraging healthy
competition to prove who can be better servants of the people. We have a
duty to learn from the past and not to live in it by condemning the errors
of our forefathers and foremothers only to repeat their mistakes.

The last contentious point that Commission Chairperson Konare has raised is
the issue of terrorism. No one can condone senseless violence against the
innocent. Notwithstanding, Africa must not adopt a parrot like approach to
international relations. We must not make the mistake again to be reduced to
the sphere of influence of any foreign power or state. We should see the
world as that of its people and not as the property of its leaders. We must
therefore move away from West or race bashing and show what is wrong with
the world and how to set things right. It is our duty to mobilize and
develop solidarity with all those who hold that injustice and poverty
anywhere should be the concern of people everywhere. In our international
relations we should always locate the real source of conflict and violence
and adopt the right position.

To conclude, allow me to reiterate that Africa’s 340 Million poor are
demanding for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals so that
Poverty, Illiteracy, Infant and Maternal Mortality, HIV/AIDS, Malaria,
Tuberculosis, Gender Inequality would be eradicated. They are looking for a
place under the sun where they can live in Liberty, Dignity and Prosperity.
We are here as African Parliamentarians as an accident of history. This is
no achievement; we can only claim achievement if we participate in building
an Africa with a free, prosperous and dignified people. The vision we hold
must be converted into a mission before we can be the architects of our own
destiny. This is the task before us as the first Pan African
Parliamentarians.

BABA JOBE’S APPEAL

According to sources from the judiciary an appeal of the former Majority
Leader of the National Assembly Baba Jobe, has been filed by the embattled
APRC strongman’s Lawyer in the Court of Appeal.

According to sources the appeal was filed on the 6th April 2004, on Three
Grounds. The First ground is that no plea has been entered on behalf of the
Third Accused YDE. (2) That the Judge erred in law in pronouncing that the
First Accused Baba Jobe is to serve all the sentences consecutively, i.e.,
by adding the terms of imprisonment. (3) That the sentence does not conform
on to the charge.

Sources also say that the respondent’s Lawyer has already been served and
have acknowledged service.

APRC DEFEATED IN KAFUTA

The APRC candidate for the Kafuta Ward bye-elections held on Thursday 15th
April 2004, Alhagie K. Kujabi was defeated by the Independent candidate,
Ismaila Camara. Kujabi polled 1050 votes while Camara polled 1456 votes.
Camara therefore won by a majority of 406 votes.

In actual fact, both candidates were members of the APRC. According to APRC
activists, Ismaila Camara was recommended by the Ward Committee to be the
APRC candidate for the bye-elections but local authorities allegedly
rejected the recommendations. Instead of Ismaila Camara, Alhagie Kujabi
became the APRC candidate.

The electorate of Kafuta refused to budge. They flexed their muscles and
showed that if the people are resolved they cannot be swayed.

The election was not without difficulties or incidents. There was an
incident in Tumani Tenda on Tuesday 13th April 2004 involving Basiru
Sanyang, Omar Sanyang and two police officers, including the Brikama Station
Officer, Inspector Jawo. Basiru and Omar were arrested and taken to Faraba
Banta. But they were subsequently released. According to the arrestees they
were playing music in their house when two police officers entered the house
and tried to stop the music because the APRC meeting was in progress near
their home. An argument was soon followed by a scuffle. Basiru said that he
sustained injuries near his eye and on his arm.



Apart from this incident supporters of the Independent candidate claimed
that 15 of their supporters were arrested on the eve of the election,
including his counting agent, APRC mobilizer, Aja Satu Touray, the Kafuta
VDC Chairperson, Ebrima Conteh.

These fifteen detainees could not vote at the election because they were not
released until Friday, a day after the election.

All of them were charged and they are expected to appear in court next
Wednesday.

Two of the arrestees are from Tumani Tenda; one is from Faraba Banta Suto
and 12 from Kafuta. Ebrima Conteh and Saikou Janko said that their arrest
was effected by removing them from their beds by 3 a.m.



Registration of Voters Starts Today

A nationwide Supplementary Registration of Voters is to start today. It will
end on the 17th May 2004. All those who were not registered before for one
reason or another can be registered now.

In this issue we shall deal with qualification for registration and the
registration process itself.

The Commencement Of Registration

The person who claims to be entitled to be registered as a voter in a
constituency shall present herself/himself at a registration centre.

According to section 17 of the Elections Decree the person should be issued
with a registration form, free of charge. This however is not the current
practice. The current practice is for the claimant to appear before the
registering officer to give evidence of one’s qualification to be
registered.

Qualification for registration

There are three basic criteria for qualification to be registered, that is,
citizenship, age and residence or birthplace. In short, a person is entitled
to be registered under section 12 of the Elections Decree if he/she is a
citizen of the Gambia; has attained or will at the date of the holding of
the next election attain, the age of eighteen years and is resident or was
born in the constituency. A person may not have been born in a constituency
but if he/she meets the other qualifications and is resident in the
constituency he/she is entitled to be registered.

A person is required to produce one of the following: a birth certificate, a
Gambian passport, a national identity card or a document certified by five
elders that the applicant was born in a particular place.

The registering officers used to examine the authenticity of the documents
but with the amendments to the Elections Decree they are ordered not to
enquire into the validity of the documents.

However, this should not be misinterpreted to mean that the registering
officers cannot question or take evidence before allowing a claimant to be
registered. It should also not be misinterpreted to mean that you cannot
file an objection against the registration of such person if you have solid
evidence of his other disqualification by law.

Evidence Required For Registration

A person is not entitled to be registered without examination of their claim
by the registering officer. Section 18 subsection (1) of the Elections
Decree states:

"A registering officer shall notwithstanding the information contained in a
registration form, examine such form and shall

(a) Call for, receive and consider such evidence as he may think fit
touching on the validity of such claim; and

(b) Require evidence to be given on oath or affirmation; and

(c) Investigate, as he may think fit, with the assistance of a village head,
village elders, or leaders of the adult age groups present, and adjudicate
upon the claim."

It is important to note that village heads and community leaders give
information only if they are requested to do so by the registering officers.
They have no authority to give directives to registering officers. They are
merely to assist when required to do so.

Approval Of Claim

The registering officer may allow or disallow all claims after gathering
evidence and adjudicating upon the claim.

The name of the person allowed shall be entered in the list of voters.

The list has the names, addresses and serial numbers of the voters’ cards.
To prevent unlawful registration in secret agents should note down the
serial number after the termination of registration on each given day.

What Happens After The List Is Prepared?

The list must be published by posting it near a post office, police station,
courthouse, market place or other place where notices are customarily posted
as required by section 132 of the Elections Decree



Issue No. 33, 22 – 25 April, 2004

Editorial

THE MEDIA COMMISSION, THE JOURNALISTS AND THE NEW INFORMATION SECRETARY OF
STATE

The Media Commission originally had the powers of courts. These powers were
draconian and unconstitutional. They were exposed at the National Assembly
by the members of the minority and later challenged in court by the press
union.

Media organizations all over the world wrote to condemn the attempt to
stifle press freedom. The state eventually decided to amend the Media
Commission Act to remove the powers it had that made it a court.

The media houses continued to challenge the authorities to change the letter
and spirit of the Media Commission. They continue to insist that the
government is sabotaging the letter and spirit of the constitution, which
created a special chapter to protect and guarantee the independence of the
press and other information media. The media fraternity maintains that
government can initiate bills under section 209 to ensure the making of laws
to protect the reputation, rights and freedom of others as well as public
security, order and morality. The Media Commission, which is to be
established under section 210 is designed to establish a code of conduct for
the media and ensure the type of independence, impartiality and
professionalism that is necessary in a democratic society.

This commission should mainly comprise professional journalist who can come
up with appropriate code of conduct and programmes to build up the capacity
of media practitioners. It could serve as a focal point for media
associations and the government in policy planning ventures or the drafting
of legislation. It can hear complaints and give the decisions that can
facilitate redress before court action becomes necessary. It can serve the
same purpose as the newly proposed NACIP Bill.

The media practitioners were expecting that the government will scrap the
whole Media Commission Act and engage in consultation to come up with a new
act. It is rather strange that even though the Newspaper Act makes it a
requirement for newspaper to sign returns annually the media commission is
calling registration of media houses and journalists.

Section 25 of the constitution makes provision for freedom of expression
including freedom of the media.

Why is there need to register a person who has freedom of expression and who
can be sued in his / her own name and in the name of the Editor / Proprietor
of the paper for any lapses that compromise the reputation of others.

The new Secretary of State needs to put his stamp by recommending to
government the need to scrap the Media Commission Act and engage in
consultation with media houses and practitioners to come up with a new one.
If he can fulfill this task then one could begin to trust that he is there
to be allowed to improve things and not simply to implement directives from
above.



Soma Jobe’s Trial

Prosecution wants to withdraw

20th April 2004 adjourned the trial of the former commissioner of the North
Bank Division, Modou Soma Jobe, following the two applications. First, the
prosecution led by ASP Ebrima Dibba applied under section 68 of the Criminal
Procedure Code to withdraw the case. Upon this application, counsel for the
defence Borry Touray, also applied to the court to go further and acquit and
discharge the accused, Modou Soma Jobe. He argued that the case couldn’t be
withdrawn without proper reason for the withdrawal.

After hearing from both sides Magistrate Mbai adjourned the trial till 4th
May 2004 for a decision.

Momodou Soma Jobe is facing a three-count charge of stealing. During the
sitting of 20th April 2004 when the prosecution was called upon to proceed
ASP Dibba applied to the court to withdraw this case based on the provision
of section 68 subsection 1 of the Criminal Procedure Code, noting that this
section of the CPC allows the prosecution to withdraw a case at any time
before the defence opens their case. ASP Dibba cited a Ghanaian case to
support his application.

At this point defence lawyer Borry Touray told the court the defence is not
opposing the application but would like to take the prosecution further
considering the nature of the case. "I would like your lordship to acquit
and discharge the accused."

In an earlier proceeding the fourth prosecution witness, a Mauritanian
businessman in Farafenni maintained that the payment of the sum should be
paid to Alhagie Sambujang Jagne, Chief of Lower Badibu. He told the court
that he first paid D32, 000 (thirty two thousand Dalasis) to Sambujang Jagne
and later paid D50, 000 (fifty thousand Dalasis) making a total of D82, 000
(eighty two thousand Dalasis). This made many in and around Farafenni to
fill the courtroom in expectation of seeing the chief testifying. However,
in the subsequent proceedings of 8th April 2004 when the case was called the
prosecutor Sgt. Jahateh applied for an adjournment as he was supposed to go
on a peace mission to Liberia.

The presiding magistrate warned the prosecution not to delay the case any
more and then adjourned the case to 20th April 2004.

As it stands a ruling will be delivered on 4th May 2004.



SALARY DISAFFECTION AT GGC

The Manager of Gambia Groundnut Corporation (GGC), Mr. Kolly told Foroyaa
that GGC assets are under the care and supervision of the Gambia Divestiture
Agency and therefore has to structure the salaries of its workers in line
with those of public enterprises’ pay scale.

Mr. Kolly made these remarks in his office at the Denton Bridge following
receipt of information by disgruntled workers of the GGC that since the
taking over of the assets from Alimenta by the government in 2000 they have
never been affected by salary increments announced by the Finance
Secretaries during the budget speeches.

Readers would recall that the GGC which used to be the GPMB wholly owned by
the government, in charge of buying farm produce like groundnuts and rice
from grassroots produce buying agents and the cooperative union for export
and home use, was privatized by the former PPP regime at D20 million in the
1990s. Following the 1994 July 22nd military takeover the APRC regime
subsequently had to pay Alimenta over D400 million following international
arbitration on the matter.

Since then the assets of the GGC were used for providing service to private
buying agencies e.g. transit, decorticating and storage.

Mr. Kolly finally told Foroyaa that both the turbine and oil mill at Denton
Bridge are in need of proper check up to be able to determine, what is
needed in order to be able to put them in order since they have not been in
operation for the past 14 years.



TRIAL OF "KAFUTA FIFTEEN"

This criminal matter involving the fifteen "Kafutans" who were arrested
prior to the Kafuta Ward by-elections is far from reaching the Brikama
Magistrate Court. The accused persons were arrested on Tuesday and
Wednesday, which prevented them from casting their votes on Thursday.
However, the arrest and detention of the suspects culminated in the defeat
of the APRC candidate, Alhagie K. Kujabi. Those arrested are purported to be
sympathizers of the independent candidate, Ismaila Camara.

The fifteen Kafutans were supposed to appear before the Brikama Magistrate
Court on Wednesday. However, the case did not reach the court.

The fifteen Kafutans were charged as follows:

1) Insulting Seyfo Fansu Jung Conteh, Chief of Kombo East;

2) Disturbing the environment of Kafuta and threatening to burn the compound
of Yafaye Bojang, Alkalo of Kafuta,

They reported at the Brikama Police Station where they were told by one
Inspector Jawo that the police are currently studying the statements of the
complainants in order to re-charge them. Inspector Jawo urged them to report
at Brikama Magistrates Court next week Wednesday. One of the officers was
heard telling the accused persons that the Police have recorded statements
from other complainants / witnesses after their (accused person) departure.
He told the suspects that the police need to critically look at the
statements before the police station in order to charge them on the relevant
part of the law.

The Brikama Police Station was filled with sympathizers and relatives of the
accused persons. The Police have released the other arrested persons from
Tumani Tenda. It is not clear whether they have been charged by the police.
They are also said to be sympathizers of the independent candidate who
whitewashed the APRC candidate.

Comment: What is important to note, and we do hope that is the case, is that
there is no witch-hunt. If the offence has been committed the culprits must
be brought to justice. To arrest however on no reasonable grounds and start
to look for charges to be preferred against that person may be interpreted
as persecution

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