An Investigation of Zimbabwe's Different Path*Zimbabwe's different path and
the penalty it has incurred: The academic and media framing of Zimbabwe's
difficulties, and an investigation of external and internal causes.*

*By Brendan Stone
Zimbabwe Watch <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/>
May 22, 2007*

In the case of Zimbabwe, Mugabe provided journalists with the 'same old'
story of a promising African leader that had still gone corrupt, despite
high hopes with some at Independence in 1980.

*-Willems (2005), 100.*

The primary contradiction for the last 500 years has not been between
classes but between nations, the poor and the rich ones. It has been a
struggle by the west to dominate and control the rest of humanity. While the
ordinary people in the west do not participate in the oppression willingly,
many of them share the same patronising and superior attitudes of their
leaders. Thus even when they support the struggles of the oppressed in the
poor world it is with conditions and qualifications that are never applied
to them when they face similar circumstances.

*-Saddams Execution : The western anti war movement
- the left boot of imperialism? by Kola Odetola
(1)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#1>
*

A television news anchor begins a segment on Zimbabwe. Immediately, the
viewer is treated to an image of Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe. His
visage quickly triggers a set of memories, etched into the viewer's mind
over time by the massive corporate media machine. Starvation, chaos,
warfare, corruption, and evil - these are the thoughts the image evokes. We,
as viewers, are led to understand that Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe has been
transformed, in the Economist pun, "from bread basket to basket case."
(2)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#2>

Zimbabwe does not suffer from any single problem. Scholars and Zimbabwean
dissidents, such as Kagoro, agree that the country's problems, complex and
interlinked, result from multiple causes. According to Kagoro, and supported
by comments from Moss and Patrick, Zimbabwe is experiencing "a state of
unprecedented crisis," and "there is no doubt that the legitimacy of
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe is now seriously disputed in many
quarters." (3) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#3>Mugabe's
policies - economic, political, and social - in short, the whole
gamut, are "questionable," or "disastrous."
(4)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#4>

Charges leveled against the Mugabe government are numerous. Politically,
scholars refer to authoritarian state practices, the militarization of
politics, governmental immunity from prosecution, selective justice, and the
absence of rule of law. Economically, the government is criticized for
failing to manage the agrarian sector, for corruption, asset stealing,
decline of the agricultural export sector, and general mismanagement leading
to capital flight and "brain drain." Zimbabweans are said to suffer
"war-like trauma" from state-driven political violence directed against
political opponents, use of "food as a weapon," government death squads,
ethnic cleansing, and even "genocide" against a rebellious region.
(5)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#5>

Mainstream scholarship and media claim that Zimbabwe is not a Western-style
liberal democracy, but rather, an autocratic dictatorship. The Christian
Science Monitor characterizes this viewpoint. Reporting on a recent
election, its article begins, "After ruling Zimbabwe for 25 years with an
increasingly iron fist, President Robert Mugabe's grip on power just got a
whole lot tighter."
(6)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#6>It
suggests that President Mugabe remains in power by repressing his
opposition and concludes that, "the danger for Zimbabwe is "that you're
relying on one individual and what he decides to do."
(7)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#7>The
recent incident in which Movement for Democratic Change [MDC]
opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai was beaten by police has only intensified these
criticisms.

If 'democracy' is a political system, as in the United States, in which
constituents are said to elect, through 'free-and-fair' elections,
representatives from competing political parties, in which the power of the
government is divided in executive, legislative, and/or judicial branches,
then Zimbabwe meets these procedural requirements. Critics often bring
attention to alleged election irregularities, disenfranchisement, and
political repression in Zimbabwe. While this essay demonstrates that some of
these claims are true, on the other hand, many of them originate from the
opposition and from external Western sources, and are often disproved or
unverified. The elections in Zimbabwe are a contentious issue, but only
because the corporate media amplifies complaints that often have little or
no basis. The instances of political repression are more overt and, while
they are real, Western audiences are not given the full details. Most of the
Western public remains unaware that Zimbabwe's government faces a very real
security threat from external forces that are far more powerful in economic
and military strength.

Naturally, the Western perspective is not the sole perspective, and debate
exists as to what is actually occurring in Zimbabwe. The "Evidence" section
reviews the evidence in order to determine the degree to which apocalyptic
claims about Zimbabwe represent the true situation. Research conducted by
Elich (8) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#8> clearly
corroborates Kagoro, Moss, and Patrick's statements regarding economic
decline in Zimbabwe. The discussion of Zimbabwe's political situation,
however, is more hotly contested. The "Sokwanele" "pro-democracy group," a
political actor in Zimbabwe with a stake in the country's conflict, claims
that Zimbabwe's government engages in campaigns of repression, most
recently, large-scale housing demolitions.
(9)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#9>Ankomah,
however, having toured Zimbabwe recently, provides an account and
analysis that challenges the "Sokwanele" interpretation of events.
(10)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#10>Vidal
supports the alternate analysis, which views the demolitions as a
fairly standard, however rushed, urban renewal procedure.
(11)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#11>On the
more direct question of Zimbabwe's level of democracy, this essay
contrasts the claims of "election theft" by the Western metropolitan powers
over the recent 2005 election, to the testimony of observers on the ground
who witnessed the election.
(12)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#12>The
"Evidence" section, then, demonstrates how even basic information
about
Zimbabwe's political situation is frequently misconstrued, most often in the
interests of opposition groups within and outside Zimbabwe. The dominant
political party in Zimbabwe, the ZANU-PF, clearly uses every legal,
constitutional means available to remain in power. The intense conflict
between ZANU and its opposition has occasionally blossomed into violence. In
some instances, the government has directed repression against its political
opponents. This essay, however, contends that the physical confrontations
between the government and opposition are manifestations of a larger
geo-political conflict spurred on by the non-conformity of Zimbabwe's
government with existing U.S., U.K., and IMF dictates. The considerable
Western interference in Zimbabwe's internal politics to a large degree
explains the measures undertaken by the government. Western media and states
would likely consider these measures justified were they employed by a
country friendly to the United States.

To provide the reader with a broader perspective on why the West
misconstrues the situation in Zimbabwe, the "Causes" section reviews the
wide array of factors that led to the current situation. While some authors,
such as Lloyd, place the majority of the blame for Zimbabwe's problems on
the indigenous population's electoral choice,
(13)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#13>Robert
Mugabe, historical research by Jacobs, Palmer, and others
(14) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#14>, brings to
the forefront the British colonial legacy in Zimbabwe. They argue that the
British conquest and subjugation of Zimbabwe's people, and creation of the
repressive settler state of Rhodesia, stunted the economic and political
growth of the country and its indigenous people. Colonialism created a "dual
economy" in which the indigenous African population inherited the
unprofitable, subsistence side of a dual-economy. There, crowded small-scale
farmers suffered together on arid land.

The indigenous anti-colonial struggle against the Rhodesian regime, and
emergence of a radical African liberation movement, including Zimbabwe's
governing ZANU-PF [Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front] party,
served in part to steer Zimbabwe's politics away from the relaxed liberal
democracies that characterize the developed world. As Palmer notes, the
unresolved land issue remains central to Zimbabwe's politics, and fuels
political decisions and conflicts today. The intense study of the ZANU-PF's
land reform programs conducted by Deininger et. al. offers a balanced view
of Zimbabwe's land reform efforts, demonstrating that while the land reform
has underperformed according to ideal measures, it has also met with a
measure of success in its goals of land redistribution.
(15)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#15>Rather
than land reform as a major cause for Zimbabwe's economic woes,
Gibbon, Brett, and others
(16)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#16>demonstrate
that Zimbabwe's choice to adopt IMF economic reforms was most
responsible for harming the country's economy. The land reform is not so
much harmful in itself, as it serves as a lightning rod, galvanizing
metropolitan hostility to the Mugabe government. Moreover, the gap between
agrarian reform goals and realities is partly a result of internal
opposition by the white farmers. During the entire period of Rhodesia's
decline, and thereafter, Ankomah, Elich, and Stamp
(17)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#17>argue
that Britain actively sought to influence Zimbabwe's politics through
the white, large-scale farmers, and their "civil society" institutions.
Fears of the implications of Zimbabwe's land reform for other countries,
such as South Africa, as well as the ZANU-PF's counter-hegemonic discourse,
led the Anglo-American powers and allies to suppress Mugabe's government, in
the hopes that a more friendly client regime could be installed.

A key claim of this essay is that while Zimbabwe is technically a liberal
democracy, widespread economic sabotage, an international campaign of
demonization, and direct, artificial, foreign support for the domestic
opposition has prevented Zimbabweans from enjoying the positive features of
this system of government to the fullest extent. The negative foreign
pressure stems not from pre-existing anti-democratic 'sins' of the
government, but rather the very serious 'sin' of pursuing an independent
foreign, domestic, and economic policy, one that notably involves reclaiming
land that fell into white hands during the period of colonization. This
argument is particularly compelling in light of the fact that the U.S.
supports a number of anti-democratic governments in Africa, particularly
Rwanda, without complaint, while creating a media fanfare about events in
Zimbabwe. In other words, there is a reversal of cause-and-effect for
Zimbabwe's problems. Zimbabwean government repression did not lead to
Western economic sanctions and political sabotage, but rather the obverse.

Those who criticize Zimbabwe for being undemocratic because of repression
against foreign interference, as well as patronage, and corruption, should
be ready to explain which countries are more democratic in this respect. Not
only most, if not all African countries, but most, if not all, developed
countries use repression against political opponents in certain instances,
particularly if these oppositions are perceived as 'foreign,' 'ideological,'
or a 'security threat,' and every country in the world suffers from some
combination of patronage, corruption, and election irregularities.

Despite the external support in Zimbabwe for anti-government NGOs, media,
and political parties, particularly the MDC, the ZANU-PF remains in power,
according to Elich, not because it is a dictatorship, but because it is able
to mobilize the support of the majority of Zimbabwe's population, who
identifies with its political vision.
(18)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#18>This
argument about representation of the electorate introduces a debate as
to what governments can do while remaining 'democratic.' Suttner, for
example, argues that academics should adapt a special model of democratic
transition for those countries born from the midwives of national liberation
movements [NLMs]. It is dogmatism to state, as in Zimbabwe's case, that if
one party remains strong, and electoral turnover is not likely in the
short-term, that a country is not a democracy. Democracies based on NLMs
emphasize other forms of rights, such as socio-economic rights.
(19)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#19>Civil
society is more highly developed in South Africa than in Zimbabwe,
which, as Moyo demonstrates, becomes relevant in analyzing parties'
electoral potential.

Western media and academic scholarship operates with a very clear 'frame'
for events in Zimbabwe. Mugabe is portrayed as an autocrat ready to do
whatever necessary in order to stay in power. An alternate frame, rarely
discussed in Western publications, is that the metropolitan powers, the U.S.
and U.K. in particular, seek to use both international institutions, and
existing domestic opposition, to topple Mugabe and the ZANU-PF program. The
sometimes-violent government response, in a country that emerged from the
colonial era with an economy and civil society primordial compared even to
that of South Africa, represents the externally-induced, artificial
intensification of domestic conflict, and the highest physical manifestation
of a hidden international conflict.

Overall, this essay argues that, plagued by continuous Western intervention,
the ZANU-PF hegemonic party has constructed a shield around itself,
magnifying its presence in the rudimentary civil society, using relations of
patronage, and a defiant, 'anti-colonial' platform in order to remain in
power. Developing in a manner consistent with other NLMs, ZANU-PF is
centralizing, state-interventionist, and jealous of electoral competition.
More modern sectors of the economy, and minority regions, have developed
limited class opposition to the ZANU-PF. Divisions among these sectors,
however, and dependence on foreign backing, have prevented this opposition
from consolidating itself in government. This domestic battle between a
rural party-movement, on the one side, and some disgruntled urban and elite
sectors, on the other, occurs within a political sphere where the government
generally follows the law, but the law favours the government. The entire
struggle is complicated by both sides' external allies. In short, Zimbabwe's
present political and economic situation should be understood in terms of
the country's peculiar colonial and post-independence development.
Zimbabwe's 'crisis' is not simply the result of voters electing Robert
Mugabe, as many Western reports imply. The problem is that Zimbabwe has not
been allowed to choose its own course free from interference. Rather,
Zimbabwe is a victim of intervention by an entire system of political and
economic domination, and bears the scars of the U.S. and Britain's clear and
well-documented attempts to circumscribe Zimbabwe's post-independence
development in a manner befitting local elites and foreign interests.

*Evidence for Problems in Zimbabwe*

Chuma has pointed out that the problem in Zimbabwe is a "crisis of framing a
crisis." (20) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#20>The
definition over what exactly is the problem in Zimbabwe, and the level
of "crisis," is itself contentious. Objective evidence does indicate that
Zimbabwe's economy fares poorly. Since 1999, Zimbabwe's economy has shrunk
by 33%, more than twice as much contraction as that experienced by several
African countries during recent civil wars. By 2003, the poverty rate had
more than doubled from its 1996 figure of 35%. The production of tobacco, a
key export crop, has plummeted. Zimbabwe also continues to suffer record
levels of inflation.
(21)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#21>In
fact, during the 1990s, Zimbabwe faced a rise in the price of basic
goods
and, at the same time, a 40 percent decline in manufacturing.
(22)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#22>Clearly,
the economy is not performing as well as it could be. Recent news
articles, in publications such as the BBC, highlight the 2006 annual
inflation rate of nearly 1,600%, the highest in the world.
(23)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#23>Economically,
then, the country is indeed a "basket case." Evidence for
political repression and a lack of democracy, on the other hand, serves as a
locus for more intense debate.

A variety of sources have leveled charges of political repression against
Zimbabwe's government. The Sokwanele "pro-democracy group" in Zimbabwe, for
example, has criticized the government's 2005 "Operation Murambatsvina," a
program designed to "restore order" through the demolition of housing
characterized as illegal "slums." The group claims that the Operation
"destroyed the homes or jobs of at least 700,000 people and the lives
of 2.4million others." According to Sokwanele, the demolitions
constitute
"extermination," a "crime against humanity," because they allegedly deprived
people from access to the conditions of life. Sokwanele quotes the Executive
Council of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, who asserted, "we have
on our hands a complete recipe for genocide."
(24)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#24>

The Sokwanele report urged UN Security Council intervention with the utmost
urgency, predicting mass famine conditions. These conditions failed to
materialize. Nevertheless, the report also leveled other accusations against
the government, such as torture. More broadly, critics of Zimbabwe's
government have used Operation Murambatsvina as an example of the
administration's arbitrariness, and it serves as one basis for charges of
"ethnic cleansing" and "genocide." However, events may not have occurred as
they were portrayed in the West, and while it is not possible to examine
every claim leveled against Zimbabwe's government in this report, Operation
Murambatsvina, because it has garnered so much attention in the West, is
here further investigated.

*The Housing Demolitions in Zimbabwe*

Baffour Ankomah, the editor of the New African magazine, toured Zimbabwe
shortly after Operation Murambatsvina. According to Ankomah, "what I saw was
totally different than what had been reported," wherein the Western media
gave the impression that "half of the country had been demolished." Ankomah
acknowledged that there was some truth to the UN report that the Operation
was poorly planned and disorganized. But he also witnessed positive
developments, such as the incorporation of women into the skilled labour
force, in this case, bricklayers. Reconstruction involved the erection of
new homes, and clean marketplaces, unlike anything Ankomah had seen over
eight years of living in Britain. Both Ankomah, and Taylor, his interviewer,
criticize the Western media for treating Operation Murambatsvina as if it is
unique to Zimbabwe, when, as they both testify from personal experience, the
demolition of illegal housing is common in other African countries.
(25)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#25>

John Vidal of the Guardian supports Ankomah's position. He refers to the
discrepancy between the BBC's claims that "bulldozers have crashed into the
homes" of a half million people in the capital, and the fact that only
1.2million people live in Harare - clearly, half the population had
not fled in
terror. Some alarmist reports had suggested that at least 200,000 people had
been displaced in the Operation, but the UN did not list such high figures.

"Meanwhile, the evictions are mentioned in the same breath as the genocide
in Rwanda and ethnic cleansing in the Balkans - although perhaps only three
people have so far accidentally died. Only at the very end of some reports
is it said that the Harare city authority's stated reason for the evictions
is to build better, legal houses for 150,000 people."
(26)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#26>

Vidal further adds that many hundreds of thousands of slum dwellers in
developing countries as diverse as China, India, and Jakarta, had been
evicted to make room for construction projects, their numbers totaling
millions - without similar protests from the West.
(27)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#27>

The reason why Operation Murambatsvina was undertaken with such haste,
according to Ankomah, was that the government had received word that an
"Orange Revolution" was set to take place, following the model in the
Ukraine in which Western powers paid impoverished city residents to stage
street demonstrations, so as to put pressure on the anti-NATO Yanukovich
government. (28)
<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#28>This
specific fear by Zimbabwe's government is not unfounded, given that
Pius Ncube, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, called for an "Orange
Revolution" in Zimbabwe in 2005, and that Sokwanele, as well as other groups
and individuals, likewise called for an "Orange Revolution."
(29)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#29>

The above section suggests that the apocalyptic claims directed against
Operation Murambatsvina are likely exaggerated, and Operation Murambatsvina
is not unique when considered within the general African context. What the
alleged "evidence" of "genocide" - as a result of housing demolitions, no
less - indicates is that Western publications, and internal opposition in
Zimbabwe, have a tendency to magnify the country's problems. Sokwanele
published the exaggerated charges with the intent of justifying foreign
intervention. Specifically, it invoked the Canadian-developed
"Responsibility to Protect," a "humanitarian intervention" doctrine that has
so far been applied in countries such as Haiti, legitimizing the coup
against President Aristide, and occupation by metropolitan country forces.
(30) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#30>

Western sources, and Zimbabwe's internal opposition, also accuse President
Mugabe's government of being undemocratic. One major body of evidence
suggesting that Zimbabwe is not a democracy largely focuses on the recent
2005 election, in which President Mugabe's ZANU-PF renewed and expanded its
mandate, winning more than two thirds of Parliamentary seats, delivering a
severe defeat for the opposition MDC. According to the Christian Science
Monitor, South African election observers concluded that the election
"represented the people's free will." Moreover, regional leaders, including
South Africa's President Mbeki, endorsed the election results.
(31)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#31>South
Africa led the 11-country Southern African Development Community
election observer team. The SACM congratulated Zimbabwe for holding...a
peaceful, credible and dignified election and high levels of political
tolerance and maturity displayed. This in SADC's view, bodes well for
nurturing a culture that tolerates multipartyism, as an essential building
block for democracy.
(32)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#32>

However, the Western media, including the Monitor, reported claims that the
election was not valid. Specifically, "the US and European Union said [that
the election] wasn't free or fair." The Monitor gave the U.S./E.U. criticism
equal weight against the testimony of regional heads of state, and election
observers who were on the ground at the time. Because President Mbeki
supported the election results, he also came under fire from Western
pundits. (33) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#33>Aside
from the
U.S. and E.U., the opposition MDC criticized Zimbabwe's government for
allegedly using its supplies of food to entice voters into supporting the
ZANU-PF. The opposition also claimed ballot-box irregularities. The MDC
brought these claims to the SADC, which recommended further study of the
ballots. The SADC concurred with the opposition's assessment that a small
percentage of voters were turned away from the polls. However, the
multilateral investigators were unable to confirm any examples of food being
used as an "electoral tool."
(34)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#34>Regardless,
Western newspapers such as the Christian Science Monitor and the
Washington Post continued to support the unverified MDC claims and
unspecific U.S./E.U. statements as evidence of electoral fraud.

The near-unanimity in the selective interpretation of the 2005 election and
house demolitions suggests the existence of a concerted effort in Western
media and scholarship to obscure events in Zimbabwe. A consistent
'anti-Mugabe' view exists structurally within Anglophone media. Willems has
observed how several British journalists assigned to Zimbabwe were actually
former Rhodesians, who had worked for the colonial newspapers prior to
Zimbabwe's independence. Because of its prior colonial relationship with
Rhodesia, Britain maintains a standing presence of journalists in Zimbabwe,
which has received more attention from BBC documentaries than any single
country. The British media focuses heavily on Zimbabwe's elections and
alleged government crackdowns, and frames its reporting in such a way that
'heroic' journalists take 'risks' to interview members of the 'opposition.'
A few British newspapers have gone so far as to spread allegations of ethnic
cleansing in Zimbabwe so opportunistic that even the anti-Mugabe Labour
Government denied them. This British media coverage is important, since
Willems points out Mudimbe's observation that the media has assumed the role
of defining Africa, a job previously left to anthropologists.
(35)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#35>In
other words, a heavily-biased media is the organ most responsible for
informing the English-speaking world about events in Zimbabwe.

The specific, anti-'Mugabe' interpretation of events relates to the
contested nature of the country's politics, as the hostility of the 'former'
colonial powers towards Zimbabwe is very real, and a major cause of the
current political and economic problems.

*Causes of Problems in Zimbabwe*

*The British Colonial Record in Zimbabwe as a Significant Cause of Current
Problems*

Beginning in the 1890s, the British asserted their dominion over the tribes
that account for Zimbabwe's present-day indigenous population. After famed
British imperialist Cecil Rhodes' British South Africa Company secured
mining rights through a deceptive contract with the king of the Ndebele
people, British soldiers invaded the Ndebele homeland in 1893. The British
government granted 6,000 acres of native land to each white volunteer, who
as a group, proceeded to cordon off the region's best land and cattle.
(36)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#36>

The British quickly subjugated the native Shona tribe in a similar manner,
and forced the indigenous population to labour on British farms. The
colonial government established a system of white administrators that
maintained, and disciplined the pre-existing tribal structures, often by
directly punishing indigenous chiefs for failing to provide slaves. Native
structures were altered to fit British directives. Under colonial law, Shona
women lost what little rights they had enjoyed prior to their conquest.
After repressing an uprising in 1896, killing 8,000 Africans, the British
government renamed their newly-conquered land as the colony of Rhodesia. The
areas appropriated by the British included what became known as the "White
Highlands," located in the geographic centre of the country.
(37)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#37>

Between 1890 and 1902, white settlers expropriated three-quarters of native
land. Deininger et. al. note that Rhodesia's colonial governments
intentionally enclosed farmers off their own lands and into reservations.
The British conducted this policy not only to obtain forced labour, but also
to create "incentives" for farmers to join the paid labour force.
Confiscation of cattle, and restrictions upon movement, water use and crop
types characterized colonial policy. Native farmers were disallowed from
growing the most profitable crops.
(38)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#38>

The 1930 Land Apportionment Act legally enshrined the de-facto land
stratification, designating half of the country's land as exclusively
whites-only. The Land Acts in 1967 and 1969 solidified the control of
46.9%of Rhodesia's land under the whites, who composed 5% of the
population.
(39) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#39> Between
1935 and 1955, the colonial government violently displaced 67,000 African
families onto reserves at gunpoint, including 100,000 people forced into
reserves in the period following the Second World War.
(40)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#40>

The British also used economic coercion as part of their overall strategy of
ethnic cleansing. A hut tax and poll tax forced Africans off their land, and
into assuming roles deemed useful by the colonizers, such as domestic
servants, and miners. The indigenous population chose to become small
peasant farmers whenever possible, but they were crowded into reserves on
less-productive land, taxing the eco-system. The subsequent soil erosion was
blamed on "poor African farming methods."
(41)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#41>To
"solve" overcrowding on the reservations, the British killed or
confiscated more than one million African cattle.
(42)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#42>Whites
also strictly controlled the development of a black
"petty-bourgeoisie," stifling the development of an indigenous middle-class
by "lack of credit and discriminatory pricing mechanisms."
(43)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#43>The
contrast between the large-scale, modern, and well-funded white farms,
and overcrowded, small-scale native agriculture, created, in effect, a
"dualistic" land structure. The state of Zimbabwe later inherited this
"elaborate web of political, legal, institutional, and infrastructural
arrangements...that reinforced and facilitated the dominant role of the
white-controlled subsector."
(44)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#44>Clearly,
British policies stunted the growth of native agriculture and
commerce.

Britain created a particularly-divided society in Zimbabwe, leaving the
country stratified by the time of the war of national liberation between an
elite, white, modern, agricultural sector, and a black, overcrowded,
small-scale sector. Colonial political and economic policies deprived many
Zimbabweans of their means of subsistence, and stunted the development of an
independent African middle-class. The violent struggle by the white settlers
to preserve conditions of inequality led to the formation of indigenous
resistance movement-parties, particularly the ZANU-PF, under extraordinarily
harsh conditions.

Resisting colonial policy, nationalist movements launched a guerilla war
campaign in the 1960s. In a manner reminiscent of Vietnam's "strategic
hamlet" policy, the colonial government drove African farmers into
white-controlled "keeps." Land repatriation was a major motivating factor
for the liberation movement during this conflict. The popular uprising
forced the Rhodesian government to declare independence from the
Commonwealth. Britain denied the colony's independence, but unlike most
other colonial successions, such as America and India, in which Britain used
great force to attempt the return its subjects to British control, Britain
did not intervene to force the Rhodesians to obey British law, allowing the
white colonists to continue their violent and brutal struggle to preserve
Apartheid conditions. Britain did continue to involve itself in the affairs
of its former colony, however, and mediated the 1979 "Lancaster House" peace
conference that led to the creation of an independent Zimbabwe.
(45)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#45>It was
during this time that the ZANU-PF emerged as the strongest liberation
party-movement in Rhodesia. In 1980, it was elected as the first government
of the new country. The ZANU-PF continues to capitalize on its share of the
role in liberating the country. Leading the African rural workers in armed
conflict, it would later transform this popular base into electoral support.
The "armed struggle" against Rhodesia became a key plank in the party's
"limited hegemony" in Zimbabwe, and is to ZANU-PF what the U.S. flag is to
American politicians.
(46)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#46>While
this history of colonial occupation and liberation receives some
mention in the West, however, most explanations for Zimbabwe's current state
of affairs rest on the land reform initiated by the ZANU-PF government.

*The New Zimbabwean Government and attempts at Land Reform*

Following independence, the new ZANU-PF government in Zimbabwe attempted to
improve the living standards of regular citizens via a number of reforms.
Women, as a group, benefited from reforms in "health and nutrition," as well
as education. The government created a Ministry for Women's Affairs, though
it was underfunded.
(47)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#47>During
this period, according to the Lancet, Zimbabwe acted as "a role model
for post-colonial Africa."
(48)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#48>As
Laakso explains, "For much of the 1980s, Zimbabwe featured in
comparative
studies and in the international media as a model of African democracy, good
governance and multiracial harmony."
(49)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#49>The
country was a food "success story" during the widespread African
famines
of the 1980s. (50)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#50>

Zimbabwe's largest problem, however, remained the unequal distribution of
productive agricultural land. At the outset of land reform, population
densities were over three times greater in the black than in the white
areas, and some 42 per cent of the country was owned by 6,000 white
commercial farmers, most of whom had fought tooth and nail to prevent
Rhodesia becoming Zimbabwe.
(51)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#51>Portions
of the large-scale farming land were not even under cultivation at
this time. (52)
<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#52>Thus, the
country's "food success" came largely from a sector under the
control of a tiny minority.

Under the Lancaster House Agreement, Britain attempted to mediate the
redistribution of land in a gradual manner. The Agreement established a
market-based 'willing buyer,' 'willing seller' system of land exchange, in
which the government purchased land from farmers who wished to sell it. It
was an international effort including some European countries, Kuwait, and
the largest contributor, the U.K. The British government agreed to match
'pound for pound' contributions from Zimbabwe's government.
(53)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#53>

Land reform efforts in Zimbabwe exhibited early successes. Jacobs reports
that a "boom" in peasant crop production occurred throughout the 1980s. As
Deininger explains, "At that time, Zimbabwe's land redistribution program
was well planned, carefully organized and lawful."
(54)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#54>The
land redistribution was an intensive, subsidized, centralized program,
in which most recipients ended up under conditions with which they were
familiar: communal farming. However, the government consistently failed to
meet its ambitious land reform targets. By 1990, more than 50,000 households
had been resettled, representing only a third of the 162,000 household
target. While only 9.1% of Zimbabwe's total land had been resettled by 1997,
Zimbabwe's land redistribution remains a relatively large and "impressive"
program by international standards.
(55)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#55>

*The Second Period of Land Reform*

In 1992, after the Lancaster House Agreement expired, Britain decided not to
continue to fund the willing-buyer, willing-seller program, and Zimbabwe
assumed greater control over the process thorough the controversial Land
Acquisition Act. This period coincided with an economic crisis, in which
angry veterans of Zimbabwe's war of liberation spurred the government to
legalize their de-facto occupations of white land, much of which was left
fallow. (56) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#56>Critics
of the land reform often portray this new phase of the process as
leading to complete disaster. According to the Sokwanele opposition group,
The present major food crisis began with the violent farm invasions
orchestrated by Mugabe in February 2000 after losing a referendum to change
the constitution and further entrench his power. ...Prior to the land
invasions, the sector brought in about US$700 million annually, but is now
estimated to earn below US$200 million.
(57)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#57>

It is disingenuous, however, to blame solely the land "invasions" for
Zimbabwe's food crisis. Moreover, land reforms, especially in a climate of
underfunding and mass movement actions, are likely to produce temporary
economic dislocation. Or as Elich argues, "The unspoken assumption is that
only white farmers can be efficient. The concern expressed in the West for
"efficiency" is in reality a mask for the preservation of white privilege.
Efficiency is a relative term. Temporary economic dislocation is an
unavoidable byproduct of land reform, but the only path to genuine and
lasting progress is through land redistribution.
(58)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#58>

In concluding his comprehensive study of this more recent phase of the
reform, Deininger argues that, overall, the 1990s land reform brought
"mediocre" gains to its recipients, and did not perform at a level
commensurate to its expenses.
(59)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#59>Cost-benefit
analyses of land reform, however, underemphasize the political
dimension of returning Zimbabwe's land to its indigenous people. Opponents
of Zimbabwe's government - the white farmers, black middle-class opposition,
and Western spectators - ignore this political dimension of land reform.
They choose to seize upon the contradiction in "efficiency" between the
developed white export sector, and rudimentary African agriculture, in order
to lobby against further land redistribution.
(60)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#60>It is
worthwhile, then, to briefly examine potential obstacles to the
successful completion of land reform, and improvement of productivity on
African farms. Unsolved, these issues continue to create divisions in
Zimbabwe's political arena.

*Obstacles to the Completion of Successful Land Reform in Zimbabwe*

Deininger argues that "a politically motivated system of rules and
regulations" may have hampered agricultural productivity. The 'socialistic'
policies of the ZANU-PF government, he suggests, have distorted Zimbabwean
farmers' ability to attain a profitable independence. Also, according to
Deininger, the budgetary problems and administrative difficulties inherent
to a developing third world country were a likely limiting factor.
(61)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#61>

Internal opposition to land reform, however, is a key factor. As Deininger
explains, the Commercial Farmers Union, stemming from a previously all-white
alliance of Zimbabwe's richest farmers, has opposed the government's land
reform program, ostensibly on economic rationale. "Part of this (delay in
land redistribution) can be attributed...to a powerful minority of large
scale farmers who oppose land reform."
(62)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#62>

Britain, as far back as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, implicitly
supported the position of the white farmers. Some Zimbabwean political
figures, including President Mugabe, believed that the Agreement existed
largely to protect the white farmers. Elich, certainly, suggests that
Britain's intervention in the Agreement, which placed conditions on
Zimbabwe's independence, was carried out in order to "protect white
privilege." He cites that under Lancaster House, twenty percent of
Zimbabwe's parliament was *automatically ceded to whites*, leaving whites
with a greater proportion in parliament than in the general population.
Instead of allowing immediate and comprehensive land redistribution, as was
the case in Korea, for example, Britain chose a plan that required
Zimbabwe's government to pay, piece by piece, half of the cost of retrieving
the land that had initially been taken without compensation from its own
people. (63) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#63>

Britain has continued its attempts to derail significant land reform in the
country. According to Judith Stamp, even though the Lancaster House
Agreement was a slow, incremental process, limited by Zimbabwean farmers'
financial inability to purchase land, it was still successful enough to be
disconcerting to whites. This success, according to Stamp, is the reason why
Britain did not renew its support for the program. When land acquisition
subsequently ground to a halt as a result of a 1990s economic crisis, angry
veterans of Zimbabwe's guerilla war began demanding the land to which they
felt entitled. Because Mugabe was suffering a crisis of legitimacy at the
time, he began to back the farmers, and their 'illegal' acquisition of land.
(64) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#64>

Ankomah adds a regional perspective to the land reform controversy.
According to Ankomah, South African President Mbeki stated in a public forum
that the land issue in Zimbabwe could have been solved 'years ago,' but the
South African president at the time told Mugabe not to move on the land
issue "because the whites in South Africa are going to be intransigent if
you move too quickly on the land." In other words, South Africa pressured
Zimbabwe to act as a small trial balloon, co-operating with the limited
British plan, so as not provoke South Africa's whites into a much larger
potential confrontation.
(65)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#65>

South Africans desire land reforms, but hope to avoid the conflict that has
characterized Zimbabwe. Stamp indicates that Zimbabwe has far fewer white
farmers (5,000) than South Africa (55,000), who own more than four fifths of
South Africa's land. "A lot of this land" states Stamp, "is not productively
used." Incredibly, the Western media focuses more on the small number of
deaths that have occurred over the land issue in Zimbabwe, instead of the
comparatively greater unrest in South Africa. There were approximately 1,600
white farmers killed in South Africa between 1994 and 2006, whereas Zimbabwe
saw approximately six to twelve such deaths.
(66)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#66>The
British media focus on white farmers is so extreme that, as one
anonymous correspondent stated, "In general, in the international media, if
one white farmer was killed, that created far more news input than if thirty
blacks were killed, in general." Another journalist supported the focus on
whites, since he believed white audiences in his home country would better
relate to the story. Even the manner in which pictures were employed caused
readers to sympathize with the whites, evoking emotions by showing a
frightened white mother protecting her children.
(67)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#67>

As Ankomah notes, "South Africa is sitting on a tiger," but Zimbabwe faces
external pressure because it has actively carried out a substantial land
reform. He suggests that the West directs such extreme pressure against
Zimbabwe partly because they view the land reform as a sort of "original
sin," in which Mugabe will never been seen in a positive light by the West
again. (68) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#68>

In this way, Zimbabwe's land reform efforts have been stalled not only
through possible weaknesses in the land reform program, but also from white
opposition and internal opposition movements, British stalling and refusal
to co-operate, and South African timidity and pressure. The British attitude
is perhaps best evidenced by these comments from a Conservative MP in the
British House of Lords. "My Lords, the Government of Zimbabwe made clear
their objective of removing white people who own property in Zimbabwe. Is
that not a form of ethnic cleansing? When will it be treated as such?"
(69)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#69>The
economic crisis beginning in the 1990s, however, has been the most
dramatic factor in stalling Zimbabwe's land reform. Critics of the ZANU-PF
attempt to conflate the economic crisis with the land reform and, while they
paint the latter as the cause of the former, the opposite, in fact, is
likely the truth.

*The 1990s Economic Crisis*

Problems in the 1990s involving economic crisis clearly affected the land
reform, and Zimbabwe's prosperity, thus meriting investigation. Several
factors led Zimbabwe into accepting an IMF Structural Adjustment Program
that devastated the economy. Between 1980-1990, Zimbabwe's government
employed a state-led, 'corporatist,' and redistributive economic development
model that privileged planning and protectionism over markets. "Indigenous"
support for this policy was one key factor in its adoption.
(70)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#70>Economic
liberalization, however, swept Africa throughout the 1980s and
1990s, and many governments reduced the level of state-led development in
their respective countries.
(71)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#71>Elich
argues that the collapse of the USSR placed extreme pressure on
developing countries, including Zimbabwe, to turn towards Western financial
institutions. (72)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#72>

President Mugabe adopted an IMF Structural Adjustment Program [SAP] in
1990-1. (73) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#73>Moore
believes that the SAP was adopted mainly under the pressure, and for
the benefit of the export sector, which, given the country's demographic
makeup, largely referred to the white farmers.
(74)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#74>Gibbon
mentions the Confederation of Zimbabwean Industry [CZI], a "white
dominated" employers' organization, which pushed for economic
liberalization. The CZI tended to become involved in political issues,
particularly those with a racial dimension. Engaging in co-operation with
organization such as the Confederation of British Industry, the CZI, like
the World Bank, argued against Zimbabwe's policy of Import Substitution
Industrialization. Notably, all of the opposition parties that emerged in
the 1980s were pro-economic-liberalization.
(75)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#75>

By the time of the early 1990s, Zimbabwe's system of clientism had become
particularly rampant, and threatened the legitimacy of the government.
(76)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#76>Clientelism
grew in part as a result of the land reform program. As Elich
explains, the land reform was administered in a decentralized manner, in
order to best use existing local structures of organization. However, the
disaggregated power centres led to clientelism, as provincial officials and
land auditors gave parcels of land to political allies.
(77)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#77>The
legitimacy crisis surrounding clientelism may have forced the ZANU-PF
to
become more receptive to vocal opposition concerns, particularly from the
large landowners and business organizations.

Brett further cites the "embourgeoisement" of the black ruling elite is as
another factor in the legitimation of the structural adjustment.
(78)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#78>Proponents
of economic liberalization suggested that the government's
economic planning had begun to stifle potential future growth, necessitating
some form of structural adjustment. For example, Brett suggests that wage
controls favoured capital-intensive businesses, such as the white farmers,
and discouraged hiring. This situation in turn suppressed the development of
a black capitalist class. Moreover, social welfare programs increased
Zimbabwe's debt. However, whatever problems existed with the state-led
development, "the liberal experiment in Zimbabwe produced far worse results
than its predecessor."
(79)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#79>

"As part of the market strategy, the government removed food subsidies,
deregulated the exchange rate, and increased education and health fees. Such
moves contributed to the existing crisis in the country," related to blacks'
lack of sufficient farming land."
(80)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#80>The SAP
also involved cuts in the salaries of education and health-care
workers, and the removal of price controls.
(81)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#81>The SAP
increased Zimbabwe's foreign debt, and combined with the severe
southern African droughts in 1992, magnified the country's existing
problems. Zimbabwe suffered a dramatic decline in its maize crop, while the
modern tobacco export sector continued to sell goods on foreign markets.
"Much of the export earnings from Zimbabwe's tobacco harvest were used to
service the external debt."
(82)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#82>As
incomes declined, prices rose. Rising fertilizer costs led to lower
land
yields. Most Zimbabweans believed that the SAP had negatively influenced
their lives. (83)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#83>Combined
with a drought beginning in 1992, the severe economic dislocation
prompted President Mugabe to divorce Zimbabwe from the IMF.

When the IMF complained about the 'slow' pace of 'reforms,' Mugabe declared
the end of the SAP in October, 2001, ending Zimbabwe's neo-liberal turn, and
marking a shift away from the Washington Consensus. According to Elich, "the
jettisoning of [the SAP] only added to the sense of outrage among Western
leaders." It was at this time that Western sources began transferring
substantial sums of money to the MDC opposition.
(84)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#84>

Brett, a supporter of market liberalization, admits that the neo-liberal
'transition' process was difficult, and that the IMF downgraded its
appraisal of the project from "satisfactory" to "marginally satisfactory,"
but ultimately blames non-economic political factors, including
re-establishment of certain state-led development measures, the land reform,
payments to war veterans, and Zimbabwe's intervention in the Congo, for
destabilizing the positive economic gains.
(85)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#85>Like
many, Brett ties the rise in inflation and declining GDP from 2000
onwards to these government policies.

An alternate explanation suggests that the political programs in question
were responsible for provoking retaliation from Western interests, rather
than being a damaging force in their own right. In addition to their
intransigence on land reform and defense of white settler interests, and
funding of Zimbabwe's opposition, Great Britain and the United States have
engaged in what can be described as 'economic warfare' against the state of
Zimbabwe.

First, in 2001, the IMF declared its resources off-limits to Zimbabwe.
(86)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#86>
U.S. President Bush and Senator Jesse Helms then passed an act to prevent
U.S. financial institutions from loaning money to Zimbabwe, or from
canceling any of Zimbabwe's debt. Western organizations acted to discourage
trade, including British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, who claimed to be
"building coalitions" to "oppose any access by Zimbabwe to international
financial resources."
(87)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#87>By
threatening the denial of funding to South African Development
Community
programs, Straw used Britain's clout to demand sanctions against Zimbabwe.
African leaders continued to resist the intense Western pressure to apply
sanctions, however.
(88)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#88>

Under the U.S. Zimbabwe Democracy Bill, the U.S. ordered its officials to
prevent every major international bank from approving transactions with
Zimbabwe. (89) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#89>In
2002, the
E.U. and the United States withdrew funding and applied sanctions against
the Mugabe-led government, and individuals who were perceived as being
friendly to it. The U.S. and E.U. also applied a travel ban on Zimbabwean
government officials, and the U.S. froze the assets of hundreds of
Zimbabwean individuals and businesses.
(90)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#90>Other
"de facto" sanctions exist. For example, according to a former head of
UNICEF, only $4 per person is distributed per-person for Zimbabwean AIDS
sufferers, compared to an average of $74 in other countries.
(91)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#91>

The results of the sanctions were severe, as foreign trade plummeted towards
near zero, and "foreign direct investment in Zimbabwe plunged by over 99
percent." Inflation soared, and the lack of foreign exchange devastated
Zimbabwe's manufacturing sector, causing unemployment to rise to over 70
percent. (92) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#92>These
factors - the external campaign by great powers to cripple Zimbabwe's
economy - are rarely discussed by Western academics or journalists, who
instead portray the crisis in Zimbabwe solely as the result of the land
reform, or Mugabe's mismanagement. The Western campaign, however, has
emboldened the opposition in Zimbabwe, itself partly a creation of Western
interests.

*Democracy and Debates in Zimbabwe*

While the causes of Zimbabwe's problems are diverse, representing a mixture
between indigenous relations of patronage and bureaucratic management, and
foreign pressure designed to cripple the economy, questions remain over the
limitations placed on democracy in Zimbabwe. A brief review of the dominant
ZANU-PF party, the opposition movements, and the involved underlying bases
of support, is helpful in understanding this issue.

As a number of authors have noted, the ZANU-PF was born out of a violent
anti-colonial struggle, developing the associated desire for collectivity
and unity characteristic of such movements. Together with the Zimbabwe
African People's Union [ZAPU], it represented the desire of most Zimbabweans
for anti-colonial liberation. Many of the party organizers and leaders had
adopted variants of Marxism, though the party's support came from its more
broadly nationalist orientation. To the surprise of some former Rhodesian
observers, ZANU-PF won a substantial electoral victory in 1980, and has not
been electorally overthrown since. During that decade, the party
strengthened its characteristics of self-declared Marxism-Leninism. Various
traditionalist, nationalist, and Marxist elements within the ZANU called for
a one-party state, on the basis that it was consistent with pre-colonial
forms of government, and prevented tribal factionalism. However, there
existed little general support for one-party rule among Zimbabweans,
(93)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#93>and
Moore suggests that Mugabe eventually moved the party away from that
goal. (94) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#94> In
2004, Mugabe stated, "Eleven years I spent in prison fighting for democracy,
for one man, one vote,"
(95)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#95>apparently
coming to terms with the electoral system that Zimbabwe had
inherited from the independence process.

In the early 1980s, while implementing its social democratic program, the
party enjoyed fairly widespread legitimacy, at least until clientelism and
patronage eroded some of its support base. The original election that
brought the ZANU-PF to power contained irregularities, but international
election observers agreed that the voters made informed decisions.
International monitors also approved elections up to 1990.
(96)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#96>During
this time, ZANU-PF relied on its rural base, which supported the
party not only because of popular identification with its platform, but
often for the lack of a viable alternative, and also for relations of
patronage. (97)
<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#97>The
adoption of the SAP coincided with the patronage-induced legitimacy
crisis of the 1990s, and further alienated the ZANU-PF from elements of its
base. (98) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#98>However,
ZANU-PF remained dominant in elections. Lloyd, an opponent of the
Mugabe regime, argues that the ZANU-PF electoral victories during the 1990s
were the result of poorly organized opposition.
(99)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#99>However,
new challenges soon emerged.

*The New Zimbabwean Opposition*

According to Sithole, elements of "civil society" opposed to the ZANU-PF
converged in the years prior to Zimbabwe's 2000 election, forming the
"National Constitutional Assembly" [NCA] in 1997. The NCA prided itself for
a membership that included student, religious (particularly Catholic),
academic, and women's groups, and especially the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions [ZCTU]. Sithole, a founding member of the NCA, also states that the
NCA received the majority of its funding from "external" sources, such as
the United States Agency for International Development.
(100)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#100>

In 1999, the NCA took part in a constitutional committee to draft a new
constitution. However, the NCA found itself at odds with the government
committee, perceiving it as too biased in favour of Mugabe, and instead led
a successful campaign to reject the draft new constitution.
(101)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#101>The
draft constitution would have legally enshrined, in the absence of the
British 'willing seller, willing buyer' program, the Land Appropriation Act.
Because the ZANU-PF was reliant on support from Shona areas and the rural
districts, including the war veterans who were dissatisfied over the pace of
land reform, Mugabe was pressured into implementing this more proactive land
redistribution. Lloyd claims that the proposed "Land Appropriation"
constitutional change was rightfully rejected, as it "would have benefited
Mugabe." Sithole states, "It was the first major defeat for the ruling party
in 20 years." (102)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#102>

During the battle over the constitution, the NCA also gave birth to the
Movement for Democratic Change [MDC] opposition party. As Sithole explains,
there exists significant overlap between the leadership of the MDC and the
NCA, as the MDC "was the brainchild of the NCA," and that the MDC functions
as a sort of political adjunct to the NCA. Members of the NCA "civil
society" group justify lending their explicit political support to the MDC
on the basis that the MDC is a fledgling opposition group battling an
autocratic regime.
(103)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#103>

Former NCA chair, and trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai became the head
of the MDC. The MDC drew its support from non-Shona speaking regions, or
about one-fifth of Zimbabwe's population, including the Ndebele Matabeleland
minority, as well as urban centres, and the NCA's support base. Also, as
Laakso notes, in late 1999 the "economically privileged white minority,"
which had hitherto supported ZANU-PF, or abstained from elections, turned
their support towards the MDC. Essentially, the party managed to unite the
many diverse elements oppose to Mugabe's ZANU-PF government, running on an
'anybody but Mugabe' platform. In the 2000 election, the MDC won 57 of the
120 directly elected seats in parliament.
(104)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#104>

In their desire to portray MDC as a merry collection of underdogs fighting
the repressive state apparatus, however, MDC supporters, such as Kagoro,
Lloyd, and Sithole, do not elaborate on the large amount of funding,
favourable media coverage, and strategically-timed international sanctions
against the ZANU-PF from which that party benefited in its relationship with
the U.S. and U.K. In 2002, following statements from a U.S. official, the
Guardian reported, "The United States government has said it wants to see
President Robert Mugabe removed from power and that it is working with the
Zimbabwean opposition to bring about a change of administration."
(105)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#105>As
U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair said, "we work closely with the MDC on the
measures that we should take in respect of Zimbabwe."
(106)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#106>Moreover,
MDC supporters do not focus on the actual political program of the
party, instead preferring to refer to platitudes about 'democracy.' In fact,
the MDC supports privatization, a rise in foreign investment, the sale of
state assets, reduced price controls, lowered business taxes, and mass
layoffs of state employees - essentially a return to the SAP rejected by
Mugabe and the Zimbabwean people, but favoured among Western lending
institutions. (107)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#107>Calling
itself a "social democratic party," the MDC website highlights the
need for a "dynamic and progressive programme of economic reforms,"
including increased import competition for domestic producers, a decline in
government spending in favour of "increased international assistance,"
neo-liberal deficit and debt reduction austerity measures, and other
programs characteristic of Chossudovsky's study of IMF "cookie-cutter"
restructuring templates.
(108)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#108>

Zimbabwe scholar Margaret Lee, criticizing the MDC's adoption of domestic
support from white elites, writes, "when I say [the MDC] compromised itself,
specifically it aligned itself with the white farmers, many of the white
farmers who had a vested interest in making sure that the land was not
returned to the indigenous African population." Externally, the MDC aligned
itself with South African Apartheid supporters and the violent RENAMO
movement in Mozambique.
(109)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#109>The
pro-Western orientation of the MDC is perhaps best characterized by
its
current website poll, which poses the question, "Does Zimbabwe need to
establish strong ties with the West (Europe and North America)?" At the last
count, 96.1% of visitors voted in favour.
(110)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#110>

Even so, the MDC did not succeed in gaining the popular support necessary to
topple Mugabe, and has not exceeded the results of the 2000 election. The
MDC has instead used extraparliamentary means to attempt Mugabe's overthrow.
Consistent with the more recent opposition calls for an "Orange Revolution,"
and Sithole's favourable disposition towards the U.S. funded 'pro-democracy'
movement in the former Yugoslavia,
(111)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#111>Zimbabwean
officials disclosed the existence of MDC weapons-smuggling
schemes and assassination plots in MDC youth organizations. These plots were
allegedly drawn up in close association with former members of the Rhodesian
state apparatus and British agents, particularly British High Commissioner
to Zimbabwe, Brian Donnelly, a former ambassador to Yugoslavia.
(112)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#112>

While skepticism should be attached to claims emanating from Zimbabwe's
government and media, the same skepticism can be applied towards the
self-presentation of its opposition. The MDC's own actions are
self-incriminating. In 2003, the MDC attempted a Chilean-style general
strike, which included the firebombing of a city bus in an attempt to stop
traffic. During this time, the U.S. and U.K. told Zimbabwean officials that
the removal of Mugabe would result in the restoration of economic aid and
possible debt cancellation. As Elich explains, "In May, Tsvangirai announced
[a]... "final push" to topple the government...but faced with a court order
and strong police presence, mass demonstrations failed to materialize."
While some MDC "toughs" continued to fight, there was no popular
mobilization. (113)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#113>Significantly,
in an interview with the
*BBC*, Tsvangirai stated, "What we would like to tell Mugabe is please go
peacefully. If you don't want to go peacefully, we will remove you
violently." (114)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#114>

Most significantly, in 2001, Tsvangirai became involved in a coup scandal
against the government, which led to a court trial. In 2002, a videotape and
witness statements were released regarding Tsvangirai's meetings with
Dickens and Madson, a Canadian public relations firm with ties to the
intelligence community, with which the MDC had entered into a half-million
dollar contract. In the video, Tsvangirai discussed with CEO Ari Ben-Menashe
plans for a coup or assassination attempt against Mugabe, stating that the
MDC was ready to "ensure a smooth transition of power." The tape also showed
Ben-Menashe talking with an unidentified man, who stated, "We are to proceed
to implement a plan of introducing a transitional government through the
termination of Mugabe." Ben-Menashe discussed the hypothetical logistics of
an MDC transition to power following Mugabe's assassination, stating "we
need a clear, concise commitment and a request of our involvement prior to
us going forward with this plan." Tsvangirai replied, "I certainly agree."
The video also made reference to support for the planned coup within the
military. (115) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#115>

When the video was released, Tsvangirai claimed that it was a fabrication,
but later changed his position when segments of the tape clearly showing him
were made public. According to Ben Menashe, "it became clear ... that Mr.
Tsvangirai had no confidence in his ability to win the upcoming election of
the Presidency...at this point Mr. Tsvangirai proposed that Dickens &
Madison aid him in arranging the assassination of President Robert Mugabe."
(116) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#116>Zimbabwe's
government quickly tried Tsvangirai for treason. Among the
incriminating testimony, Ben-Menashe stated that "he was told by Tsvangirai
that the British government had given their approval for the plan and
intended to provide more than US$9 million to pay Air Force Marshal Perence
Shiri to lead the coup which was to follow from the assassination of
Mugabe." Ben-Menashe also made reference to CIA support. An analyst at
Dickens and Madson who had recorded one of the conversations claimed that
the purpose of the meetings, according to Tsvangirai, was to "discuss the
elimination of President Mugabe." Air Marshal Shiri also corroborated the
testimony, stating that the MDC had offered him bribes. The trial lasted for
nearly a year. (117)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#117>

In the end, the Zimbabwean court found it was difficult to prove that
Tsvangirai had, for certain, been planning a coup. Since the penalty for
such actions is death, the judge did not feel comfortable assigning a guilty
verdict, and admitted that guilt had not been proven beyond a reasonable
doubt. The verdict surprised Western onlookers, and one Zimbabwean lawyer
stated the verdict, "is contrary to claims by the West that our judicial
system plays to the whims of the executive."
(118)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#118>

The various scandals, violence, and extralegal actions may have hurt the MDC
at the polls. Certainly, Zimbabwe's opposition as of late has become
increasingly fractured, breaking along its fault lines. As Moore notes, the
MDC appears to comprise contradictory alliances and strategies. Writing in
2001, he states, "even if the MDC wins the impeachment, or the 2002
presidential election, its combination of neoliberal economic policies and
heavy commercial farmer backing with a working-class base will lead to
strains." (119)
<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#119>Popular
perceptions of the MDC as a party for the "whites" have not helped.
As Willems explains, "Footage shot in 2000 by CNN showing white farmers
signing cheques to the MDC has been regularly shown on Zimbabwean television
and frequently appeared in ZANU PF election campaign advertisements."
(120)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#120>As
Sylvester explains, the ZANU-PF are masters at Gramscian hegemony,
posing
questions that frame issues in a manner favourable to ZANU's interpretation
of events. (121)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#121>So
far, the party has been successful in framing the ZANU/MDC struggle as
a
struggle between Zimbabwe and the former colonial powers, and not without
justification.

The conflicts between the MDC and the ZANU-PF are instructive, since they
illustrate some procedural-democratic features of Zimbabwe's body politic.
While Western sources tend to paint Zimbabwe as if the country were under
the rule of one man, or a de-facto one-party state,
(122)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#122>several
highlights from the MDC/ZANU-PF conflict suggest otherwise. First,
the MDC was able to severely challenge ZANU-PF in the 2000 election.
(123)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#123>Second,
the NCA movement was able to overturn President Mugabe's suggested
constitutional amendments. Third, Zimbabwe's elections have witnessed
increasing international monitoring, and none have been overruled by African
monitoring agencies. In fact, Zimbabwe became the first country to modify
its electoral structure to conform to SADC guidelines.
(124)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#124>Finally,
the judiciary demonstrated its independence when it acquitted
Tsvangirai of treason.

The recent police beating of Tsvangirai, however, once again highlighted
political violence in Zimbabwe. What is left out in Western press accounts
is that the MDC had embarked on another illegal demonstration where,
reported by the Malaysian National News Agency, MDC activists engaged in a
campaign of violence. As Bernama reports, "The opposition MDC has been
unleashing violence in the high-density suburbs of the capital, a situation
that has resulted in the death of a civilian and injury of several police
officers in its so-called democratic resistance campaign. The latest wave of
violence occurred on Sunday when the MDC tried to hold a political rally in
defiance of a government ban on gatherings, resulting in the police
assaulting and arresting the party's leaders, including Morgan Tsvangirai,
and their supporters." Mugabe himself criticized what he saw as a double
standard, in which the West ignored MDC violence, and only focused on the
government's retaliation.
(125)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#125>These
examples of MDC attempts at an "Orange Revolution," and government
violence directed against opposition members, demonstrate that the conflict
often took physical form. During the period of the MDC's emergence, between
2000 and 2002, 151 people were killed on both the pro and anti-government
side. As Elich notes, Western media ignores the fact that this murder rate
is less than that of Washington DC and that violence occurs on both sides of
the conflict. (126)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#126>This
fighting is likely to continue.

Instead of understanding this violence in opposition to democracy, it may be
more helpful to view it as part of the process of polarization in politics
in a country where the predominant political party stems from a national
liberation movement [NLM]. As Suttner explains, in a number of African
countries, single parties, often derived from national liberation movements
or former military regimes, have held power continually. Despite the
existence of a multiparty electoral system, governments such as the ANC in
South Africa, which Suttner uses as his main example, have endured as
'dominant' parties. Because of the lack of "circulation of elites" within
these systems, some 'experts' on democratic transition have suggested that
the transition has not been consolidated. If the opposition is ineffective,
and its taking power is unrealistic, then democracy, they argue, is
"hollow." (127) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#127>

Suttner claims that the above interpretation is "dogmatic," because it
argues for a pre-determined "end-product" based on Western notions. "In
particular, the end product is meant to be a specific version of democracy,
that of formal, representative democracy without substantial social and
economic transformation or significant popular involvement."
(128)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#128>Arguably,
the Zimbabwean political system emphasized the latter
characteristics, in such actions as the widespread land reform, state-led
economic development and redistribution, and the support of popular land
reclamation actions. However, scholars' dogmatic emphasis on what Beetham
has termed "consolidology," or the fetishizing of arbitrary requirements for
"democratic consolidation," delegitimizes these governments. Using the
example of South Africa, Suttner argues that democracy can be found in other
areas within a country's politics, such as constitutional and court
protections. (129)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#129>Of
course, South Africa possesses a more highly developed civil society
than
Zimbabwe. (130)
<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#130>As Moyo
and Sylvester note, like Zimbabwe's opposition, its civil society is
also divided. Fractured between differing "parochial" urban and elite
interests, it has not coalesced into an "issue-based" politics.
(131)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#131>Moyo
has suggested, in fact, that the colonial legacy and liberation
struggle means that Zimbabwe's politics are dominated by blacks, and the
economy by whites. Blacks themselves are divided. Their "civil society" was
destroyed by colonialism, and only ZANU-PF has so far possessed the
capability to mobilize Africans. Former Rhodesian whites did possess civil
society institutions,
(132)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#132>some
of which are manifested today within the MDC. These ethnic divisions
clearly distort politics in Zimbabwe, creating additional conflict.

It is indeed true that NLMs possess certain features that some analysts view
as antithetical to Western conceptions of liberal democracy. For example,
NLMs tend to depict themselves as 'the nation' itself, as the ZANU-PF does
in Zimbabwe. (133)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#133>These
parties were born from armed struggle, which leads to a tendency for
authoritarianism. Conversely, Suttner reminds us, It should not be forgotten
that whatever the later outcomes, it was the liberation movements that
brought democracy to Africa. Colonialism was an inherently undemocratic
system and it was the liberation struggles that ensured people voted for the
first time. (134)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#134>

*Conclusion: Process and Prospects in Zimbabwe*

By Western liberal standards, Zimbabwe meets several "procedural"
requirements for what is commonly known as 'democracy,' as it hosts
competitive, though contested, multiparty elections; the opposition is able
to affect legislation; and the judiciary is able to negate actions of the
government. However, in opposition to the desires of democratic transition
theorists, a single party, the ZANU-PF, has dominated government on the
basis of its role in creating Zimbabwe. This phenomenon is consistent with
the experiences of other developing countries that gained independence by
way of a national liberation movement. The fractured civil society and
opposition is unable to mobilize resources to the same extent as the
centralizing party. Moreover, the political life of the country is
characterized by outbursts of violence.

It is implicit in Western interpretations of events in Zimbabwe that the
violence employed by the government against certain opposition actions is
evidence that the political climate falls short of a 'liberal democracy.'
However, as Gowans points out, "if the absence of state violence against
political opposition is a defining condition of liberal democracy, then,
there are no liberal democracies, for state violence against the political
opposition is everywhere present. It's just that it's not always recognized.
The moment anti-Vietnam war protesters were shot dead by National Guardsmen
in the U.S., the U.S. ceased to be a liberal democracy by this definition."
He also referred to a New York Times article from May 10, 2007, which
discussed how German police raided left-wing homes and offices, and
conducted a campaign of intimidation, in preparation for a visit from the
G8. The article further discussed how, reminiscent of U.S. and Canadian
repression during FTAA and G8 demonstrations, Italian police killed an
anti-globalization demonstrator in 2001. The fact that Germany and Italy are
not described as bastions of oppression by the Western media highlights the
double standard singling-out of Zimbabwe. The same problems of repression
exist even in prosaic Canada, such when Prime Minister Cretien strangled a
protestor on live T.V., or when Haiti-solidarity activist Yves Engler was
arrested for heckling Prime Minister Paul Martin over Canada's record in
Haiti. These incidents in developed countries are dismissed jokingly, if
they are covered at all by mainstream press, while inflated claims out of
Zimbabwe, by protestors who call for the overthrow, or even murder of
President Mugabe, are given the highest credence.

Zimbabwe's political violence should be understood in the context of
colonialism, or the external attempts to control the country that have not
ended. If U.S. police cracked down on foreign-funded activists who
repeatedly used violence and coup threats to overthrow an elected government
in Washington, the Western media would laud such repression as "protecting
democracy." Conversely, the same actions conducted by Zimbabwe's government
'prove' the lack of democracy. The reason underlying this double standard is
Zimbabwe's rejection of the IMF and Washington Consensus model, paying a
heavy price in the process. Its 'original sin' of land reform has caused the
country to become a punching bag for all those wishing to sustain economic
inequality within Zimbabwe and throughout Southern Africa. The break with
the IMF, the land reform, and general anti-colonial rhetoric all appear to
be programs and issues that carry popular support. In a number of important
ways, the government embodies the will of a sizeable proportion of the
electorate. But by carrying out this program, the government has incurred a
penalty from Western interests, who have artificially intensified the
domestic opposition. To solve its economic problems, ZANU-PF has adopted a
model of government that favours continuing ZANU-PF rule through means that
could be considered entirely legal and constitutional by Westminster
standards. Critics complain about Zimbabwe's "first past the post" system,
political appointees, and lack of term limits that keeps Mugabe in power.
Interestingly, these features are characteristic also of Canada's political
system. The ZANU-PF, conversely, claims that the electoral system merely
combines features from the most "respected" democracies all around the
world. (135) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#135>The
resulting strong 'mandate' allows the party to focus on fulfilling the
economic needs of its people, piggybacking on mass popular actions. In
short, the attempt to actually carry out key elements of the majority will
has engendered Western hostility, leading to defensive crackdowns against a
domestic opposition that is linked to foreign capital. The issue of
Zimbabwe's level of democracy is perhaps best summarized by Christopher
Black, who wrote that, in comparison to the extreme repression directed
against legitimate strikes, and even the formation of opposition parties in
Tanzania, the banning of free elections and strikes in Rwanda, the
starvation, the and lack of free elections in Uganda - all
U.S.-clientstates, "Zimbabwe aint so bad."
(136) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#136> The
attention directed by the West against Zimbabwe, and absence of such
negative media coverage against U.S. allies in Africa, strongly suggests
that the focus on human rights and democracy in Zimbabwe is driven by a
political agenda, rather than genuine humanitarianism.

The literature presented in this essay, then, suggests the existence of a
conflict stretching across national borders. The American and British in
particular perceive a need to maintain their interests through the vehicle
of neo-colonialism. They are allied to elements of modern capitalism within
Zimbabwe, including the white farmers and, among the African population,
urban professionals and elites concentrated in the opposition movements. The
urban workers also support the opposition to a degree. Zimbabwe's
significant population of rural farmers and agricultural workers, who
constitute the bulk of the country, to the frustration of the other class
interests, continue to support the ZANU-PF during election time. ZANU-PF
leads the Shona majority and rural population, attempting to monopolize
elections as legally as possible through its institutions that occupy parts
of civil society. To this supporter group, the Sub-Saharan African landless,
and their nationalist leaders should be added, as they appear to strongly
applaud and endorse Mugabe's "anti-imperialism" during his visits to South
Africa and Zambia.
(137)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#137>Zimbabwe's
conflict, then, takes on a fully "international" dimension.
Phimister and Raftopolous extensively detailed the 'anti-imperialist'
statements of the Zimbabwean president, government, and government-run
media. In their detailed study of ZANU-PF media campaigns, they conclude,
somewhat ruefully, "that the arrogance and aggression of the Bush/Blair
axis...has provided the Mugabe regime with endless examples of western
hypocrisy and double standards."
(138)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#138>In
other words, if only Bush and Blair would cease their illegal wars,
academics would have an easier time of criticizing Zimbabwe. Willems, too,
argues that the anti-imperialism is used as a cover for "the injustices
committed by the Zimbabwean government against its own people." She
complains, like other academics referenced in this paper, that "clumsy"
British intervention "helps" Mugabe.
(139)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#139>It is
unclear whether these academics are advocating non-intervention, or
rather that intervention be less clumsy. Implicit in their writing is that
'less clumsy' neo-colonial intervention would remove Mugabe, and that this
is a desirable outcome. Certainly, Moss and Patrick's article "After Mugabe:
Applying Post-Conflict Recovery Lessons to Zimbabwe," is one example of the
dearth of Western "scholarly" research that focuses on what to do when
'something happens' to Mugabe. These U.S. 'think-tank' authors are worth
quoting in their own words:

Waiting until the day after the fall of Robert Mugabe could be too late, so
the international community should start preliminary planning now for
responses to a transition in Zimbabwe...This paper lays out a framework for
an international effort and identifies priority actions to support a
political transition and economic recovery. It also suggests some immediate
steps that the US and other donors can take, including the formation of a
Commission for Assistance to a Free Zimbabwe. Beginning the planning process
now is not only prudent, but such a public effort could also be catalytic:
letting the Zimbabwean people know they have not been forgotten and that the
world stands ready to help once Robert Mugabe is gone could perhaps help to
bring about that day a little sooner.
(140)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#140>

Moss and Patrick would probably be arrested in their own country for
endorsing the same program against the U.S. government.

Instead of lamenting how the severe international war crimes among the
'Anglosphere' have detracted attention from the ZANU-PF's alleged excesses,
as do Phimister and Raftopolous, perhaps they should consider the idea that
Zimbabwe's government is justified in pointing out the very visible
manifestations of emerging twenty-first century neo-colonialism. Because the
evidence in this essay suggests that this 'imperialism' is indeed real, a
better analysis of Zimbabwe's politics would evaluate the success of
Mugabe's policies in the context of Britain and America's neo-colonial
activity. Phimister and Raftopolous suggest the adoption of "a
Pan-Africanist vision that 'brooks neither external dependence nor internal
authoritarianism and social deprivation.'"
(141)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#141>Yet
it is difficult to imagine how an independent Zimbabwe can avoid
deprivation and 'law-and-order' measures in an environment where it faces
external sanctions and significant electoral interference from Western
governments who are so extremely rapacious, that even Mugabe's domestic and
British critics acknowledge that Bush and Blair demonstrate contempt for
international law. Criticism of Zimbabwe's government is empty when it does
not fully address the Western role in distorting the country's politics.

The recent uproar over Tsvangirai's beating, even though he was violating
the law and mounting a campaign of violence, will place additional pressures
on Mugabe and the party to step down from governing Zimbabwe, or abandon
land reform, and other developmental efforts. Yet the problem of land reform
has not gone away, and, under the sanctions, has only become more severe.
Any party wishing to replace Mugabe will need a clear program for solutions,
if it wishes to gain electoral support. The largest opposition group, the
MDC, favours an unpopular program of neo-liberal restructuring. Like the
Sokwanele opposition group, which invoked the "Responsibility to Protect"
(142) <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#142> in a plea
for international military intervention, the MDC's inability to win at the
polls has caused it to favour extraparliamentary actions, coup attempts, and
foreign intervention. This is not a recipe for a sustainable government.
Until the opposition parties have something to "give out" on a more than a
temporary basis, ZANU-PF, or a party following ZANU's policies, will
continue to capture popular support. One corollary is that the MDC,
promising to "make up" with the West, ending the sanctions against Zimbabwe,
might be able to win through promises of relief. Similarly, by soft-selling
appealing, but ultimately unsustainable promises of economic redistribution
and greater 'democracy,' tied to a neo-liberal program, the MDC may be able
to draw popular support. Both would represent a victory for Western
blackmail. Under this scenario, the process of disillusionment with the
"Western" party, and re-election of the prior ZANU-PF government,
reminiscent of the events following Ukraine's "Orange Revolution," might
conceivably occur after Mugabe's inevitable death. This is a pessimistic
scenario. While Zimbabwe's non-conformist direction has led to considerable
penalties, many Africans within and outside Zimbabwe recognize Mugabe's
battle with the 'former' colonial powers as a struggle for justice. The
South African government has repeatedly made it clear that it will not
legitimize neo-colonial interference in Zimbabwe or elsewhere in Africa. For
example, one ANC official stated that "the ANC and ZANU-PF 'fought
colonialism and oppression in our countries. We liberated our countries from
the yoke of colonialism and we set to improve the lives of our people in our
respective countries'. The two organisations would determine their countries
own destinies, 'not to be dictated to by somebody else.'"
(143)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#143>Zimbabwe's
independent direction clearly serves as an inspiration to other
African countries, making it a dangerous example from the neo-colonial point
of view. The real question may be whether, in the event of Mugabe's death or
ZANU's defeat, the 'anti-colonial' program is able to continue.

*Final Quote*

From *Phimister and Raftopolous (2004):*
South African President Mbeki stated that Zimbabwe "had only been singled
out for attack once the West deliberately decided to 'treat human rights as
a tool' for overthrowing the government of Zimbabwe'. Quoting the Kenyan
writer, Ngugi wa Thiongo, to the effect that 'imperialism has [so] distorted
the view of African realities ... [that] it has turned reality upside down',
Mbeki insisted that Zimbabwe was a prime example of this process. 'Those who
fought for a democratic Zimbabwe, with thousands paying the supreme price
during the struggle, and forgave their oppressors and torturers in a spirit
of national reconciliation, have been turned into repugnant enemies of
democracy', he wrote. 'Those who, in the interest of their "kith and kin"
[the British], did what they could to deny the people of Zimbabwe their
liberty, for as long as they could, have become the eminent defenders of the
democratic rights of the people of Zimbabwe.' [Mbeki abjured] African
intellectuals to 'always refuse to "rationalise the upside-down way of
looking at Africa.'"
(144)<http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html#144>

*End Notes* <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/2007/2205b.html>

*Email: [log in to unmask]*

*Visit: Zimbabwe Watch <http://www.raceandhistory.com/Zimbabwe/>*

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