*Caste in Kenya*
Adam Hussein Adam*
Background
*
The issue of discrimination based on caste in Africa may appear a
far-fetched idea to
many. Moreover, at any time that it emerges, it usually only associated with
the Asian
community in most African countries.
However, as initial findings reveal, discrimination due to caste is
something that is very
much alive and dictates the pace of life of many people in Kenya and Africa
who are
affected by it. According to Professor Michael Kirwen of Marknoll Institute
of African
Studies, discriminations on basis of descent exist in Africa especially in
West Africa. On
his part Fernando Azonnanon in his article Respecting Cultural Diversity
appearing in
the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement magazine, links
discrimination on descent to modern slavery and he says
*
" the Baatonum region, individuals belong to certain ethnic groups have
long been
considered subhuman, even to this day in certain places. Thus, the Abomey
Kingdom
reduced other communities in Benin, formerly known as Dahomey, to slavery."
*(IRCRC,
2002; 27)
[1]
Nevertheless, we must admit that given that this is an issue many a times
swept under
the carpet of silence, many people especially the affected, have learnt to
live with it, and
mostly so, through self denial.
In view of this, we presently do not intended to provide detailed
documentation of the
situation, but just give a glimpse of what could be happening in Kenya and
Africa
generally, with a view to putting in place a case for detailed study into
the caste system,
in both Kenya and Africa.
*
The case of caste discrimination among the Hindus
*
In Kenya, the Asian Communities are largely identified according to their
religious
beliefs. Amongst this grouping is the Hindu community.
The question of discrimination due to descent, and specifically, as it
relates to the caste
system among the Hindus is rarely discussed in Kenya, in spite of the fact
that this is a
reality. The reason this is so may be explained by the fact that since
migrating to Kenya,
most Indians, as with most other Asians, are yet to get the feeling of being
part of the
larger Kenyan society.
Historically, Asians started showing up in Kenya, as business merchants from
as early
as 1000 AD, according to available evidence.* In Kenya, they speak different
languages, profess different religions and practice different occupations,
as dictated by
their castes.
The problem of the Hindu Caste system is that the discrimination seems to be
so much
hidden as to defy detection. This is because the Indian population in Kenya
is so small
as compared to the other populations. On the other hand, due to the fact
that the most
noticeable Indians, or Asians for that matter are those who are well to do
economically,
very little attention has been given to the discriminated against castes:
Asians are
viewed by their black Africans as rich and arrogant.
This situation is vindicated in an anthropological study by Cynthia
Salvadori, in: Through
the open doors: A view of the Asian Cultures in Kenya Ms Salvadori notes:
The complexities of the Asian Sectarianism, caste and religion are so
confusing and
the different groups are simply lumped together. However, such a monolithic
Asian
Community exists only in the imaginations of non-Asians. (Kenway
Publications: 1989).
Asians first came to Kenya in different shades and capacities and not
exclusively as
cheap labour during the construction of the Uganda Railway as it is widely
believed.
Asians are believed to have set shop in the East African region as far back
as 1000 AD
and with them, their traditions and cultures. These traditions and cultures
have persisted
to date, and among them, the Hindu Caste system that has been identified
internationally as a discriminatory system that abuses the fundamental human
rights of
the people from the lower castes.
Hindus in Kenya today are divided into four main Castes, which are Brahmin,
Kshatriya,
Vaishya and Sudra, from the highest to the lowest respectively.
Traditionally one's place
is determined by one's birth, and each caste has a specific occupation or
economic
lifestyle. Generally, there is no provision for intermarriages between the
castes neither
is there any hope of moving to another caste, through upward mobility. In
accordance to
this reality, Hindus came into Kenya as merchants, indentured labourers and
professionals both in private and government employ. However, though they
were in a
new environment, various Hindu groups maintained their identity.
A large number of the Hindu communities belong to the huge Vaishya Caste,
which
incorporates farmers, traders and most artisans. The Brahmins are in a caste
by
themselves and the small Rajput Community claims to be the only true
Kshatriya caste
represented in Kenya. However, this assertion is not vindicated since many
of the
Vaishya groups the Bhatias, the Bhoi, the Dhobis, the Lokhanas, the
Patels, the
Wnzas and the Sindhis claim som sort of Rajput Ancestry.
Looking at the genesis of the Hindu Community in Kenya, it is not difficult
to see
discrimination in the socio-economic lifestyle. For Instance, the Brahmins,
who
traditionally are from the higher caste, have been able to rule the food
industry in
Kenya. This is because according to the code of manu, while traditionally
one cannot
eat food prepared by a member of a lower caste, anyone can eat food prepared
by a
Brahmin. Even though their number is very small, they are however, still
very strict on
membership to their caste. This is manifested by the fact that membership to
social
clubs run by the Brahmins is open only to their own ilk. And some having
come in as
professionals to Kenya, this still dominate this position and have virtually
locked out the
rest of the Hindus.
To specifically establish the discriminatory aspects of the Hindu caste
system in Kenya,
there is as mentioned earlier, need for research. We must contend that this
is an area
that a lot of attention has not been focussed over the years, and due to
this fact, most
Hindus who find themselves discriminated against have resigned their plight
to fate.
*
The caste system amongst the Borana.
*
Unlike the Hindu caste system, the caste system found amongst the Borana in
North
Eastern Kenya is that of consigning the members of the lower caste (Watta)
to a life of
servitude. Although in the eyes of a non- Borana speaking and the government
all
Boran speaking people are all the same, closer scrutiny reveals a community
divided
into four distinct castes/clans. At the top, there are Borana Gutu (Pure),
followed by
Gabra, then Sakuye, and Watta clan being the last.
Amongst the Borana Speaking peoples, the instrument of such divisions is
wealth. This
wealth measured in terms of livestock larger livestock (e.g., camel and
cattle)
placing one, by inheritance, to the higher caste.
Traditionally, the Watta were a hunter-gatherer clan/caste and for
generations other
Borana speaking clans/castes have despised them; the word "
*Watta" *has become
synonymous with "poverty." When the Colonial Government outlawed hunting the
Watta
people had to join other members of their community in sedentary life.
Without livestock,
many have remained poor, hence suffering inferiority complex and due to this
lower
socio-economic status, they have remained stigmatized.
According to Ibrahim Kosi Galgalo stigmatization continues to date. As he
exemplifies,
when children from other clans/castes misbehave, they are admonished to stop
behaving like the Watta; in other words, they can never be role models due
to their
misfortune of belonging to the lower caste. As a result of such taunting
most of the
Watta people have lost confidence in their own uniqueness. Subsequently some
of their
sub clans like Hegan and Kojot are today all lost because they are afraid to
expose their
identity lest they are victimized.
To survive today the Watta mainly work in servitude for members of the
higher castes,
making them, forever, slaves for their counterparts.
On the Socio-economic front, there are strict rules that forbid
intermarriage to ensure
purity of the upper castes. Inter-marriage between a Watta and Boran Gutu is
unheard
off. A recent example may suffice:
*
"I am a Watta," says Ibrahim Galgalo Kosi. "Recently, my niece eloped with a
Boran
Gutu boy. According to our people if such a thing happens, marriage is the
out come
with full bride wealth being paid. However, in my niece's case the bride
wealth was paid
but the lady was told the Boran Gutu do not marry from the Watta. This means
that
while bride wealth was given to us, the girl was not married."
**
The place of the Kenyan government
*
International standards, and specifically, the International Convention on
Elimination of
Racial Discrimination obligate the Kenyan government, to ensure that no
person suffers
discrimination on any account. While the constitution of Kenya outlaws
discrimination,
there is no enabling statute, and hence this right is not in practice of
justice.
Moreover, while Kenya has ratified the ICERD, it has failed to comply with
Article 2(d) of
the Convention, which calls for state parties to prohibit and bring to an
end by all
appropriate means including legislation all types of racial discrimination
by any persons,
group or organisation.
In fact, it can be argued that the government has been assisting in
promoting
discrimination by descent, especially in its employment practice. For
instance, apart
from the Judiciary in Kenya, Asians, including Indians, are not employed
anywhere else
in the public sector. It is important to mention that all those employed,
and the lawyers'
private practices are from the Brahmin caste.
As for the Watta, they suffer the same predicament. Moreover, even if their
children
were able to go to schools, they cannot mix with the rest of the children
and eventually,
they drop out.
This discrimination does even affect education of Watta people. Since most
Watta
people are poor, they do not go to school. Even those who attend school end
up
dropping because education becomes too expensive. On the other hand, while
there
are no discrimination tendencies in enrolment policies, most Watta children
suffer from
psychological humiliation in the hands of children from the other castes,
and hence end
up dropping out prematurely This discrimination also definitely affects
their employment.
It means that while members of the higher castes can afford to easily be
employed in
either the private or public sector, the Watta are left behind since they
cannot compete
due to inferior levels of education. On the second level, where recruitment
is done in
their local area by the locals, the Wattas end up being discriminated
against. For
instance, according to one community elder, the County council has four
major
departments. These are mainly Range department, Sweepers department, Clark's
department and Educations department. Whereas the Clarks and education
departments require educated people, which automatically knocks out the
Watta, the
other two do not require academic skills. However, there are no Wattas in
this
department because the locals do all the recruitments. At the
representational level,
with the entire Isiolo district having 28 Council Ward seats, there is only
one out of 28
councillors is a Watta, with two Assistant Chiefs. One of these Assistant
Chiefs,
according to Kosi Ibrahim, has worked for so long without promotion. Several
Chiefs
have been installed above him from other community.
Ibrahim Kosi Galgallo of the Watta captures it in his presentation to the
Constitution of
Kenya Review Commission:
"The community has suffered socially and politically from time immemorial.
Many people
would not like to intermarry with us and this has created a social stigma
amongst us as
unwanted, lower caste, worthless and downtrodden." (Memorandum to the CKRC;
2002)
Conclusion In view of the foregoing, it is apparent that discrimination by
caste is very
much alive in Kenya and most probably in other parts of Africa. We therefore
would
recommend the following:
1. That the Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination commissions
research to unveil the magnitude of this situation in Kenya and other parts
of
Africa
2. That the International Non Governmental Organisations in the field of
racism
support more activities that will be geared towards unveiling the real
situation of
caste discrimination among African communities irrespective of race or
tribe.
3. That the International Non Governmental Organisations in the field of
anti slavery
support more activities that will be geared towards unveiling the link
between
slavery and caste discrimination among African communities.
4. That African governments' support the enactment of specific legislation
to deal
with cases of caste discrimination.
5. That African governments institute programmes or creating awareness about
caste discrimination.
6. That the governments in Africa put in place employment policies that will
move to
eliminate caste discrimination.
7. That all African governments ratify ICERD and especially the optional
protocol
thereof to allow for individual complaints.
8. That the Kenya government ratifies the ICERD optional protocol.
9. That CERD scrutinises any reports submitted by African governments with a
view
to establishing whether the issue of caste discrimination is raised.
[1]
The Magazine of The International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, Issue
No 1 2002 pg 27
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