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Subject:
From:
"BambaLaye (Abdoulie Jallow)" <[log in to unmask]>
Reply To:
The Gambia and related-issues mailing list <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Fri, 6 Apr 2007 13:30:11 -0500
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http://www.globaljournalist.org/web-content/stories/2007_04/01Gambia/page1.html

-- 
BambaLaye
Radio Free Gambia
www.freegambia.net

<quote who="BambaLaye (Abdoulie Jallow)">
> Please take to liberty to read and share this judicious reiteration of the
> perils of the independent media and ordinary citizens in the hands of
> Jammeh. Algi Yorro has definitely done justice to history herein
> reproduced with his permission:
>
>
> --
> BambaLaye
> Radio Free Gambia
> www.freegambia.net
>
>
> ===========================================================================
>
> The Gambia in the Hands of Jammeh: The Media, Human Rights and Foreign
> Policy
>
> Since President Yahya Jammeh took control of the Gambia in a coup in 1994,
> he has become a self-declared enemy of free press and his country's
> authority on truth.
>
> By Alagi Yorro Jallow
> Posted April 2, 2007
>
> The Gambian President Yahya Jammeh, 41, is a former wrestler and soldier -
> a tough man to deal with, as the Gambian news business has discovered.
> Journalists are still reeling from the murder of managing editor and
> co-owner of The Point, Deyda Hydara, who was shot by unidentified
> assailants while driving co-workers home Dec. 16, 2004. Hydara previously
> had been threatened by the Gambia's National Intelligence Agency and was
> under surveillance by the organization just a few minutes before his
> death.
> A statement from the Gambian officials came six months later. The
> statement called Hydara "provocative," and suggested the journalist's
> death was a result of his sex life.
> When Jammeh was asked about Hydara's death in September, he denied
> involvement, saying:
> "I don't believe in killing people. I believe in locking you up for the
> rest of your life. Then maybe at some point we say, 'Oh, he is too old to
> be fed by the state,' and we release him and let him become destitute."
> Since Jammeh took control in a military coup in 1994, he has been a
> self-declared enemy of press freedom. He has shown contempt of human
> rights and assumes a monopoly on truth and knowledge, which makes him
> particularly hostile to contrary views.
> "If I want to ban any newspaper, I will with good reason," he said in
> response to questions concerning press closures and arrests. "This is
> Africa and this is Gambia, a country where we have very strong African
> moral values.....If you write,'Yahya Jammeh is a thief,' you should be
> ready to prove it in a court of law. If that constitutes lack of press
> freedom, then I don't care."
> Following the 1994 coup, there was considerable negative reaction from
> the, and aid was curtailed. Jammeh and his party, the Armed Forces
> Provisional Ruling Council, [UM1]needed to find new allies and made
> overtures to Libya, Taiwan, Cuba, Nigeria, Iran, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritania
> and Kuwait. This formed the basis of foreign relations for the Gambia
> under Jammeh's rule.
> In 1994, external donors, particularly Western nations and international
> institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank,
> were fostering democracy, human rights and "good governance." In line with
> their rules against military regimes, most of the Gambia's traditional
> donors cut off aid. Apart from the cessation of aid, however, the
> international community remained fairly mute. The Gambia's lack of
> economic resources meant that, internationally, it lacked political
> influence and importance. By July 3, 1995, the economy had deteriorated to
> such an extent that, during his budget speech, the Finance Minister
> expressed fears that the Gambian economy was on the brink of collapse.
> According to Dr. Ebrima Ceesay, a social science researcher, from 1994 to
> 1995, the gross domestic product declined by 3.5 percent, mainly as a
> result of the dismal performance of the tourism sector. Real GDP growth
> averaged only 1.2 percent. A government surplus of 1.3 percent GDP in both
> 1992 and 1993 had become a deficit of 6.3 percent in 1995, which rose to
> 10 percent in 1996. Gross national income also fell from $350 in 1992 and
> 1993 to $340 in 1995 and 1996.
> Yet, despite the failure of the military regime to bring about economic
> and social prosperity, the Gambian people were afraid to protest against
> the junta for fear of violence. The junta issued draconian decrees that
> curtailed fundamental rights and freedoms, suspended the constitution and
> warned of dire consequences for any attempt to challenge the new order.
> [UM2]
> In November 1994, full diplomatic relations with Libya were restored after
> 15 years of hostile relations between ousted President Dawda Jawara and
> Colonel Muamar Ghaaddafi, and the Gambians received an immediate grant of
> $15 million. On July 13, 1995, full diplomatic ties with Taiwan were also
> established, and in 1996, they opened an embassy in the Gambia. In August
> 1995, Taiwan made a no-interest loan of $35 million, a grant of $5 million
> and initiated a series of rice production projects. In addition, Taiwan
> donated 5,000 sets of military uniforms and boots to the Gambian Army.
> With continued financial support from Taiwan and Libya, the economy showed
> signs of limited resurgence. Jammeh and his AFPRC then engaged in a number
> of developmental projects, in a bid as he put it, to improve the
> socioeconomic conditions of Gambians.
>>From the beginning, human rights abuse was one area where the military
> junta was criticized, both locally and internationally. As soon as it
> assumed power, the military suspended the constitution, dissolved all
> democratic structures in the country and started ruling by decree. Freedom
> of expression was the first target of the military authorities; the
> expression of political views was outlawed and the freedom of association
> was severely circumscribed.
> The Constitution of the Second Republic of the Gambia, which went into
> effect in January 1997, provides for the protection of citizens against
> arbitrary arrest and detention. After the coup, police and security forces
> arbitrarily arrested and detained a number of Gambians. All secretaries of
> state, senior civil servants and senior military officers in the ousted
> People's Progressive Party were arrested. Periods of detention ranged from
> a few hours to months, and there have been some accusations detainees were
> subjected to physical and psychological torture. Due to the junta's lack
> of transparency and accountability, the private press could not access the
> exact number of Gambians held.
> Another example of authoritarianism is the relationship between the junta
> and the press. Upon assuming power, Jammeh assured the Gambians that he
> welcomed ideas, and he challenged the press to "criticize us where we are
> wrong and contribute where you can contribute." Ironically, Jammeh
> announced Decree Number 4 on August 4, 1994. This decree denied the people
> the rights to discuss their political views or to express themselves
> collectively as members of political parties.
> The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press. In
> practice, the government has significantly limited the full exercise of
> these freedoms through intimidation, police pressure, regulatory scrutiny
> and laws that inhibit the independent media. The government also used
> arrest, detention, dismissal, arson attacks, killings and interrogation to
> intimidate journalists and newspapers that published articles that the
> junta considered inaccurate or sensitive. As a result, journalists
> practiced a significant degree of self-censorship.
> Decrees 70 and 71 inhibit free reportage by requiring newspapers to post a
> substantial financial bond. State owned or controlled publications were
> not subject to either decree. Despite government harassment and
> intimidation, the independent press maintained a critical stance against
> the government.
> The Gambia under President Jammeh continues to be mired in gross rights
> violations. Since the coup, Gambians and journalists, in particular, have
> had to contend with arrests, beatings, detentions, lawsuits, self-exile
> and deportations. The president has virtually succeeded in breaking the
> backbone of the independent media by either closing down the media houses
> that were critical of the regime or reducing them to mere praise singers.
> Other newspapers have been transformed into mouthpieces for APRC or have
> been subjected to heavy censorship. For example, reports on Gambia Radio
> and Television Services focus on Jammeh's "achievements" and on such
> things as his farming skills and his so-called treatment of HIV/AIDS, all
> while ignoring the most newsworthy happenings in the country. (For
> examples, see sidebar, "Attacks on a free press.")
> President Jammeh, whose hostility to the independent media is well-known,
> has not held a press conference since 1994. He normally talks only to
> hand-picked representatives of friendly media houses. Most members of the
> independent press are routinely left out of state functions and other
> newsworthy events.
> In June 2006, reacting to documented violations of press freedom and human
> rights and a skyrocketing corruption index, the board of directors of the
> Millennium Challenge Corporation, a United States government corporation
> designed to work with some of the poorest countries in the world,
> suspended the Gambia's eligibility for Millennium Challenge Account
> assistance. In its press release announcing the suspension, the MCC noted:
> "A 2004 law forced media outlets to reapply for their licenses and
> established harsh sentences for all press offenses, while changes in the
> criminal code enable the state to confiscate any publication deemed
> seditious without judicial oversight. Since then, there have been multiple
> documented cases of unexplained arrest and detention of journalists, as
> well as threats, arson attacks or official raids on independent media
> sources. There are also increased reports of arbitrary arrests and torture
> by security forces."
> List of attacks on the free press in The Gambia
> In March 2006, the The Independent's top staff were arrested and detained
> for more than three weeks. The offices remain sealed an under armed guard.
> Under The Gambian law, no private property may be impounded by authorities
> without the provision of a court order. No such order was produced to
> justify the closure of The Independent's offices.
> On April 10, 2006, Lamin Fatty, a reporter for The Independent, was
> arrested and detained. He was held incommunicado for almost 62 days and is
> currently on trial for publishing false news, a criminal offense under The
> Gambian law.
> Omar Bah of the Daily Observer has been missing since May 2006, a few days
> before the Gambian government issued a note declaring him wanted for his
> contribution to a critical online publication, Freedom Newspaper. He, fled
> into exile in Ghana.
> On May 25, 2006, three journalists were arrested and detained by the
> National Intelligence Agency for allegedly supplying damaging reports
> about President Jammeh's administration to Freedom Newspaper. They are Pa
> Modou Faal, an employee of the national broadcaster and Gambia Radio and
> Television Services, Musa Sheriff of the Gambia News & Report Magazine and
> Lamin Cham, a stringer of the BBC.
> Ebrima Chief Manneh, a reporter with the pro-government Daily Observer,
> has been missing since July 7, 2006 and is said to be held by the National
> Intelligence Agency. The agency has repeatedly denied holding him.
> Sam Obi and Abdul Gafari, two Nigerian journalists based in the Gambia and
> editors of the Daily Express, were arrested and detained by the National
> Intelligence Agency on July 16, 2006, for articles allegedly critical of
> the government. Amie Sillah, a female journalist working with the biweekly
> paper, was arrested and subsequently detained for five hours by the
> Intelligence Agency on August 29, 2006.
> On March 28 U.S.-based Gambian journalist Fatou Jaw Menneh was arrested by
> the National Intelligence Agency of Gambia on March 28 as she arrived at
> Banjul international airport in Gambia to visit her family. She was taken
> to NIA headquarters for questioning. She has not been charged and the
> reasons for her arrest are not known. Manneh, who has lived in the United
> States for the past 10 years, is a frequent political commentator with the
> U.S.-based All-Gambia.net and an outspoken critic of President Jemmeh. She
> was formerly a reporter for the Daily Observer in Gambia. (See World Watch
> for more information.)
>
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