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Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue 
Issue No. 027/2007, 7– 8 March,  2007

Editorial
Ghana Is Now 50 Years Old
THE LESSONS FOR AFRICA
Ghana  was the first sub-Saharan African country which consciously struggled 
to set  aside the colonial yoke. At independence Kwame Nkrumah declared that 
the  independence of Ghana was meaningless unless it was linked to the total  
liberation of the African continent.
This commitment is what made Kwame  Nkrumah to stand shoulder high among the 
pioneers of National Liberation.  Nkrumah was mostly misunderstood in Ghana 
because of conviction that no African  country could become truly liberated and 
developed without the unification of  the continent. Ghana had to be the 
bridgehead towards continental liberation.  
Consequently, all liberation movements began to send their militants to  
Ghana to study different fields and prepare themselves to go back home to  
contribute to the liberation of the other countries.
One may now ask: What  was the situation of Ghana before independence? How 
did it thrive after  independence? What happened after the coup d’etat of 1966? 
What lessons should  those in the present learn from the past? 
The independence of Ghana on 6th  March 1957 was preceded by the aftermath of 
the Second World War. Ghana was the  nerve centre of the British Empire in 
West Africa. Over 70,000 Ghanaians served  the colonial armed forces. The 
military council of West Africa had its  headquarters at Archimota College. The 
colonialists took donations from their  Ghanaian subjects and gave interest free 
loans to themselves from their tax  money. The export of cocoa, palm products 
and rubber increased. The mining of  manganese ore and exploitation of bauxite 
deposits increased.
In October 1945  few months after the end of the war the fifth Pan African 
Congress was held. Dr.  Dubois chaired the meeting and Dr. Nkrumah wrote the 
Declaration to the colonial  workers, peasants and intellectuals. This 
declaration which calls for the  establishment of mass movements against colonialism was 
adopted by the congress.  All the sincere leaders left Manchester with the 
commitment to return to Africa  to work for her liberation.
In Ghana the United Gold Coast Convention emerged  in 1947 to pioneer the 
cause for Independence. Both Dr. Danquah and Mr. Nkrumah  were members of the 
convention. However a split occurred in 1949 when Nkrumah  saw the need for mass 
action against colonial domination and for the total  emancipation of the 
people. This is what gave birth to the Convention People’s  Party.
The general strike, civil disobedience and boycotts of goods which  followed 
in 1950 led to the imprisonment of Dr. Nkrumah. However, the people of  Ghana 
intensified their struggle under the Convention People’s Party.  This  
compelled the colonialists to hold election in February, 1951 leading to the  
resounding victory of CPP. Nkrumah who was in prison was elected. He was  released 
because of fear of new demonstrations. Peoples’ power was asserted. The  post of 
prime minister was created and Kwame occupied it on 5th March 1952. The  
colonialists did everything to exploit the differences between the various  
political forces to delay independence. However, the Ghanaian people voted for  
independence in July 1956. 
Consequently, on 6th March, 1957 Ghana was  proclaimed Independent.
In April 1960 a referendum was held and the vote in  favour of a Republic was 
1 million for and 131,000 against. In the election for  the presidency Dr. 
Nkrumah had 1 million plus votes to Dr. Danquah’s 124,000  votes. On 1st July, 
1960 Ghana became a Republic. Two years after independence  Ghana opened its 
own law school. A state maritime shipping company was  established in 1958. 
Civil Aviation with its own aircrafts followed.
In 1961  alone 2495 new elementary and 374 secondary schools were 
established. Compulsory  and free education was introduced in September 1961. Progress to 
eradicate  illiteracy among adults was arranged. The state University of 
Ghana was also  established in 1961. A second university specialized in 
technological area was  opened in Kumasi. A third university in Cape Coast in 1962.
By 1963 the  National Research Council established in 1958 was converted into 
the Academy of  Sciences. Union of musicians, writers, journalists and 
cultural workers  mushroomed. A film industry was established. A committee to work 
on the written  unification of all the ethnic languages was established. The 
scaring emerging  from tribal marks were abolished to unify the Ghanaian people. 
Nkrumah’s  legacy is where he concentrated on the Akasombo Dam and the Volta 
Aluminium  project to prepare for Africa’s Industrilisation. This was further 
buttressed by  preparing the ground for the development of nuclear technology. 
Nkrumah felt  that the unification of Africa will follow the heels of African 
Independence and  Ghana will receive the support it needed from a unified 
Africa to ease its  burden of giving support to the liberation process on the 
continent. Many  attempts were on his life between 1962 and 1964. Finally on 24th 
February 1966 a  coup d’etat occurred. Nkrumah was on his way to mediate in 
the Vietnamese  Crisis. He eventually had to fly to Guinea. Since then Ghana 
experienced coups  and counter coups until the present democratic atmosphere is 
established.  However, the vision of Pan Africanism which motivated Nkrumah to 
call for a  union of government, a continental army or high command, one 
currency, one  central bank, one investment bank is yet to materialize. The lesson 
is clear.  Africa needs to create a new path to development. Since coups have 
interrupted  her progress the real road to development is the creation of 
sovereign people  whose enlightened mind and free will would enable them to 
select democratic and  responsible governments that would enhance liberty and 
prosperity. Such  governments that have no dictatorial tendencies and are committed 
to the  implementation of people centred policies will make it possible for 
the  enlightened and democratic people in all countries to make the unity of 
the  African continent possible. A Democratic and prosperous Africa is on the  
horizon.
It is the duty of our generation to build it. We owe this to Nkrumah  and all 
those who died to make it a reality. 

DETENTION  WITHOUT TRIAL UPDATE
Five months after the presidential elections, detention  without trial is 
still not a thing of the past. It seems to have come to stay.  The detainees 
listed below are still held in  detention without  trial.
Even though the High Court ordered the released of one of them, Master  Tamba 
Fofana, (a head teacher) in December 2006, the government is yet to comply  
with that court order. 
There is a slight change in the list prepared last  month. Dr. Badara Loum 
was on Thursday 22 February 2007 released on bail upon  application to the High 
Court. A reliable source has informed this paper that  the state has preferred 
charge against him.
Businessman and UDP supporter was  released unconditionally on 13th February 
2007. Furthermore, unconfirmed reports  reaching Foroyaa say that even though 
former Chief of Protocol, Mr. Baboucarr  Jobarteh, is still held at Mile II, 
he has undergone a process. As soon as the  reports are confirmed we shall 
inform our readers accordingly.  

Sergeant Buba Mendy, GNA, detained at Mile II 
Sergeant Buba  Jammeh, GNA detained at Mile II 
Retired Colonel Vincent Jatta, former CDS,  detained at Mile II.
Baba A. Saho, NIA, detained at Mile II
Musa Dibba,  NIA, detained at Mile II
Ngorr Secka, former DDG NIA, detained at Mile  II
Abdoulie Kujabi, former DG NIA, detained at Mile II
Phoday Barry,  former DDG NIA, detained at Mile II
Betrand Sambou, Foni, detained at Major  Crimes, Police Headquarters, 
Lamin Sanneh, former PS, Works and  Construction, detained at Mile II
Karamu Jaiteh, Works and Construction,  detained at Mile II
Chief Ebrima Manneh, Journalist Daily Observer
Master  Tamba Fofana, Kudang Lower Basic School
Superindent Abdoulie Colley, O/C  Sibanor Police Station, detained at 
Janjangbureh Prison
Omar Ndow, MD Gamtel,  detained at Mile II
Jasaja Kujabi, Foni, detained at Mile II
Marcie  Jammeh, Foni, detained at Mile II
Haruna Jammeh, Foni, detained at Mile  II
Ousman Rambo Jatta, Councillor Cape Point Ward
Suruwa Jaiteh, DPS  Agriculture, detained at Mile II

AT THE COURT MARTIAL 
Lt.  SANYANG’S WIFE AND CAPTAIN DARBOE TESTIFY
By Fabakary B. Ceesay and Annia  Gaye
The wife of second Lieutenant Pharing Sanyang, Fatoumatta Mendy Sanyang  and 
his co-accused Captain Yaya Darboe have on Thursday 1st March 2007,  testified 
before the court martial at the Yundum barracks. The duo testified as  
defense witnesses. 
Captain Darboe told the court that he remembered Seeing  Lieutenant Sanyang 
at the state prison at Mile two on the 22nd March 2006. He  said that he saw Lt 
Sanyang with blood on his head and a pain plaster attached  to the left side 
of his neck. He said that he then asked Sanyang what had  happened to him, and 
Sanyang told him that he was tortured by Malick Jatta and  others. Captain 
Darboe indicated that he later saw Corporal Wharf who came to  dress Mr. Sanyang’
s wounds. Darboe noted that he and Sanyang saw each other  everyday because 
their cells are almost two metres from each other. He said that  after Sanyang 
was dressed by the prison medic, he saw plasters on Mr. Sanyang’s  head but 
cannot remember how many plasters. He added that he knew Mr. Sanyang  was taken 
to hospital to remove a broken tooth, because Sanyang has informed him  about 
it. 
During cross examination by the state counsel, E.O Fagbenle,  Captain Darboe 
informed the court that he first saw Lieutenant Sanyang with a  pain plaster 
on the neck and that after his wounds were dressed by the medical  officer he 
saw plasters on his head. He added that he cannot estimate the size  of the 
plaster.
Testimony of Sanyang’s Wife
Mrs. Fatoumatta Mendy Sanyang  has told the court that the first time she 
visited her husband at the Mile Two  Central Prison; she was given a plastic bag 
by her husband. She said that she  later opened the bag and found a military 
camouflage (uniform) in it with blood  stains on it. She said that the blood 
covered from the shoulders of the uniform  to downwards. She added that she also 
found a torn piece of cloth with blood  stains, two plasters, dressing 
bandage with blood and a cloth doctors use to  stop blood from oozing out of a 
wound. She indicated that she went to Banjul and  handed over the plastic bag and 
its contents to Lawyer Lamin K. Mboge. She said  that she told Mboge that she 
saw something which she wanted Mboge also to see.  Mrs. Sanyang asserted that 
after some days, Mboge called her to inform her that  his office was broken and 
that the plastic bag with its contents were stolen.  She said that she later 
informed her husband about the stolen bag with his blood  stained uniform. She 
pointed out that during her visit to her husband, she  realised that he has 
lost weight and as he was talking to her, she noticed a  missing tooth. She 
added that she observed his head and saw marks and as she  said she asked him 
whether he has been beaten. She said he told her that what he  had encountered 
was just that his death was yet to happen or else he would have  been dead by 
now. She said he told her that he had been beaten at the NIA  headquarters.” 
During cross examination by E.O Fagbenle, Mrs. Mendy Sanyang  asserted that 
the scars she saw on her husband’s head were new. She added that  when her 
husband was going out, he did not have scars on him. She said that the  time she 
visited him, the scars were already healed. When asked when she visited  her 
husband, she said it was in May, but cannot remember the exact date. She  said 
she did not take anything to her husband when she visited him but that she  was 
given a plastic bag by her husband. Fagbenle asked what her husband was  
putting on when she met him. She replied that Mr. Sanyang was wearing the dress  
that she took to Mile Two Prisons prior to her permission to visit him. She  
stressed that she gave the dress to one Sunkaru, a prison officer in the  
presence of Lieutenant Colley. 

IEC OFFICER PLEADS NOT  GUILTY
By Bubacarr K. Sowe
Kawsu Ceesay, Chief Electoral Officer of the  Independent Electoral 
Commission (IEC) has pleaded not guilty to forgery on  Monday at the Kanifing 
Magistrate Court.
Mr. Ceesay is accused of forging the  signature of the then IEC Chairman 
Ndondi S.I. Njie purporting the approval for  the purchase of electoral materials 
from Code Incorporate, a Canadian firm at  the sum of Canadian $21,071.94, 
roughly six million dalasis.
Testifying  before Magistrate Pa Harry Jammeh, the erstwhile IEC boss said 
the accused was  working under him as Chief Electoral Officer at the time of his 
tenure. Mr. Njie  said between November 2005 to March 2006, the IEC was 
searching for suppliers of  electoral materials and Ceesay was assigned to look for 
suppliers on the  internet. He told the court that the accused persons 
brought to him a proforma  invoice of a Canadian company, but he asked him to search 
for competitive  bidding. Around March and April 2006, Njie said, Ceesay 
obtained another invoice  from Land Trade, and they received an enquiry from Code 
Incorporate asking when  IEC would like to receive the materials. Mr. Njie 
narrated that he encouraged  Ceesay to write to Code Incorporate and inform them 
that they have not made an  order, but the firm persistently told them the 
materials were already packed in  a container ready for shipment.
“I called Mr. Ceesay telling him this is the  salesman’s gimmick,” Njie said.
He said they have stated in their  correspondence, that they will not honour 
any order not accompanying full  payment and he had to email them and inform 
them that Ceesay was only asked to  collect a proforma invoice.
Testifying further, Njie said that after calling  Ceesay to his office, 
Ceesay insisted that he (Njie), instructed him verbally to  make an order. 
He said that the staff at the IEC normally applies procedures  for the 
procurement of goods or services, which this particular transaction did  not go 
through. The former IEC Chairman said after his removal in July 2006, he  received 
a number of papers from Ceesay among which was a letter from Code  
Incorporate and a Memorandum purportedly signed by him directing the finance  department 
to effect payment. Mr. Njie added that he neither approved nor signed  the 
memo, claiming that he saw it for the first time after his removal from  office. 
He went on to say that Code Incorporate was claiming for a breach of  
contract, which he noted to his successor, was not a right contract. 
During  cross examination, 72 year old Mr. Njie said his removal letter did 
not explain  why he was fired. The case is adjourned for cross-examination. The 
accused was  represented by Musa Batchilly.

KANILAI FARM CLERK IN THE DOCK
By  Bubacarr K. Sowe
Balah Nyassi, a chief at the Kanilai Family Farm  Company is dragged to court 
for stealing 20, 000 dalasis from the farm. Mr.  Nyassi who is charged with “
stealing by clerk or servant” which contravenes  section 258 of the Criminal 
Code has pleaded not guilty to the  charge.
According to particulars of the offence, Bala Nyassi in the year 2001  at 
Kanifing, being a clerk or servant employed by the Kanilai Family Farm  Company, 
stole the sum of 400,000 CFA equivalent to D20,000 dalasi.
Mr.  Nyassi was granted bail by the court in the sum of D30,000 dalasis at a 
previous  hearing. The trial could not proceed on Monday due to the fact that 
a witness  was not available in court.

‘ETESEN GHANAMAN?’
By Ousman  Sillah
Ghana observes 50 years of nationhood on Tuesday 6th March 2007.  Africans, 
both at home and in the Diaspora and people who cherish freedom, the  world 
over, relish with the people of Ghana on this glorious event.  Congratulations!
On the 6th March, 1957, in solemn midnight, the Red, Gold,  Green and Black 
Star flag of Ghana replaced the Union Jack of colonial Britain  thus 
symbolizing the attainment of independence from Britain colonial rule. This  marked 
Ghana as the first country on the African continent to gain freedom and  
independence from colonialism. The road was a long and strenuous journey waged  through 
persistent and organised struggle led the illustrious Dr. Kwame Nkrumah,  the 
father of African nationalism. 
On this independence day, in his speech,  Nkrumah hilariously told his 
compatriots” “Ghana you are free forever.” Nkrumah,  the great Pan-Africanist, also 
declared that “The independence of Ghana is  meaningless unless it is linked 
up with the total liberation and unification of  the African continent.”
Kwame Nkrumah was a visionary, a pragmatist and a  genuine son of not only 
Ghana but Africa. He wished and worked for the  realization of a liberated and 
united African continent, where her people would  rely on their collective 
capacities and vast resources to live in freedom,  dignity and prosperity. His 
pronouncements were not a lip service, as he went  further and committed Ghana’s 
resources towards the fulfillment of these  realistic and lofty goals. 
Although, Nkrumah’s overall objectives are still  not attained, at least, the 
Africans have now come to fully appreciate or  understand his vision of 
harnessing and placing the vast potentials and  resources bestowed on the continent 
to the service of her people. These  prescriptions would have been a panacea 
to the misrule, hunger, illiteracy,  disease, civil strife, poverty, etc. that 
now plague the continent and her  people.
The African Union, successor to Nkrumah’s Organisation of African  Unity 
(OAU), is beginning to evolve institutions, programmes and rules that  promote and 
strengthen the spirit of Pan-Africanism. 
Ghana, today together  with South Africa and to some extent, Senegal, stand 
out as the only African  countries with thriving democracies. These are 
countries were the concept of the  state is fully understood and the separation of 
powers of the executive, the  legislature and the Judiciary clearly defined and 
jealously guarded. These are  countries where an independent press and vibrant 
civil society and a politically  proactive populace and the principles of 
good governance are respected and  exist. A functional State and Democracy is 
where robust institutions and known  laws prevail, as in these countries. Ghana, 
therefore, deserve to celebrate  their golden jubilee. want to share with 
readers the full text of a speech  delivered in 1961 by Kwame Nkrumah on African 
Unity, thus:
Kwame Nkrumah  Speak of Freedom, 1961
For centuries, Europeans dominated the African  continent. The white man 
arrogated to himself the right to rule and to be obeyed  by the non-white; his 
mission, he claimed, was to “civilise” Africa. Under this  cloak, the Europeans 
robbed the continent of vast riches and inflicted  unimaginable suffering on 
the African people.
All this makes a sad story, but  now we must be prepared to bury the past 
with its unpleasant memories and look  to the future. All we ask of the former 
colonial powers is their goodwill and  co-operation to remedy past mistakes and 
injustices and to grant independence to  the colonies in Africa...
It is clear that we must find an African solution  to our problems, and that 
this can only be found in African unity. Divided we  are weak; united, Africa 
could become one of the greatest forces for good in the  world.
Although most Africans are poor, our continent is potentially  extremely 
rich. Our mineral resources, which are being exploited with foreign  capital only 
to enrich foreign investors, range from gold and diamonds to  uranium and 
petroleum. Our forests contain some of the finest woods to be grown  anywhere. Our 
cash crops include cocoa, coffee, rubber, tobacco and cotton. As  for power, 
which is an important factor in any economic development, Africa  contains 
over 40% of the potential water power of the world, as compared with  about 10% 
in Europe and 13% in North America. Yet so far, less than 1% has been  
developed. This is one of the reasons why we have in Africa the paradox of  poverty in 
the midst of plenty, and scarcity in the midst of abundance.  
Never before have a people had within their grasp so great an opportunity  
for developing a continent endowed with so much wealth. Individually, the  
independent states of Africa, some of them potentially rich, others poor, can do  
little for their people.
Together, by mutual help, they can achieve much. But  the economic 
development of the continent must be planned and pursued as a  whole.
A loose confederation designed only for economic co-operation would  not 
provide the necessary unity of purpose. Only a strong political union can  bring 
about full and effective development of our natural resources for the  benefit 
of our people.
The political situation in Africa today is heartening  and at the same time 
disturbing. It is heartening to see so many new flags  hoisted in place of the 
old; it is disturbing to see so many countries of  varying sizes and at 
different levels of development, weak and, in some cases,  almost helpless. If this 
terrible state of fragmentation is allowed to continue  it may well be 
disastrous for us all.
There are at present some 28 states in  Africa, excluding the Union of South 
Africa, and those countries not yet free.  No less than nine of these states 
have a population of less than three million.  Can we seriously believe that 
the colonial powers meant these countries to be  independent, viable states? The 
example of South America, which has as much  wealth, if not more than North 
America, and yet remains weak and dependent on  outside interests, is one which 
every African would do well to study.
Critics  of African unity often refer to the wide differences in culture, 
language and  ideas in various parts of Africa. This is true, but the essential 
fact remains  that we are all Africans, and have a common interest in the 
independence of  Africa. The difficulties presented by questions of language, 
culture and  different political systems are not insuperable. If the need for 
political union  is agreed by us all, then the will to create it is born; and where 
there’s a  will there’s a way.
The present leaders of Africa have already shown a  remarkable willingness to 
consult and seek advice among themselves. Africans  have, indeed, begun to 
think continentally. They realise that they have much in  common, both in their 
past history, in their present problems and in their  future hopes. To suggest 
that the time is not yet ripe for considering a  political union of Africa is 
to evade the facts and ignore realities in Africa  today. 
The greatest contribution that Africa can make to the peace of the  world is 
to avoid all the dangers inherent in disunity, by creating a political  union 
which will also by its success, stand as an example to a divided world. A  
Union of African states will project more effectively the African personality.  
It will command respect from a world that has regard only for size and  
influence. The scant attention paid to African opposition to the French atomic  tests 
in the Sahara, and the ignominious spectacle of the U.N. in the Congo  
quibbling about constitutional niceties while the Republic was tottering into  
anarchy, are evidence of the callous disregard of African Independence by the  
Great Powers.
We have to prove that greatness is not to be measured in  stockpiles of atom 
bombs. I believe strongly and sincerely that with the  deep-rooted wisdom and 
dignity, the innate respect for human lives, the intense  humanity that is our 
heritage, the African race, united under one federal  government, will emerge 
not as just another world bloc to flaunt its wealth and  strength, but as a 
Great Power whose greatness is indestructible because it is  built not on fear, 
envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but  founded on hope, 
trust, friendship and directed to the good of all  mankind.
The emergence of such a mighty stabilising force in this strife-worn  world 
should be regarded not as the shadowy dream of a visionary, but as a  practical 
proposition, which the peoples of Africa can, and should, translate  into 
reality. There is a tide in the affairs of every people when the moment  strikes 
for political action. Such was the moment in the history of the United  States 
of America when the Founding Fathers saw beyond the petty wrangling of  the 
separate states and created a Union. This is our chance. We must act  now.
Tomorrow may be too late and the opportunity will have passed, and with  it 
the hope of free Africa’s survival.

INTERVIEW WITH PA SANJALLY  BOJANG
FOUNDER OF THE PPP (EXCERPTS)
With Suwaibou Touray
Before  proceeding, we must first of all know the history behind the 
formation of the  PPP which can help us to analyse where we went wrong and the 
possible ways  forward. Let us follow the narration of Pa Sanjally Bojang, the father 
and  founder of the party in 1959.
Mr. Sanjally Bojang alias Pa Sanjally was born  in Brikama in the Western 
Division. He has worked for the Board of Health in  Banjul during the colonial 
period during which he felt that the provincial  people were being discriminated 
on the basis of their language and or  provencialness.
Out of personal experience and conviction, he initiated an  organisation 
which eventually led to the formation of a national Political Party  which ushered 
the Gambia into its independence existence. But before Pa  Sanjally’s death, 
he spoke to this Foroyaa reporter at his residence in Kembuje  on the 
formation of the PPP, its triumphs,  his expectations and final  disappointments with 
their leader. This interview with Mr. Bojang will explain a  lot about the 
Gambia’s first faltering steps in our political system while we  struggle to 
build a democratic dispensation worthy of emulation. Pa Sanjally  definitely 
deserves to be in our historical records as the first illiterate  person to form a 
political party in the Gambia.
THE SOCIAL REALITY IN BANJUL  BEFORE INDEPENDENCE
The Political Party which led the Gambia to  constitutional rule after 
independence was the PPP (the Protectorate People’s  Party) why the protectorate 
people only? The people who found this party in 1959  were mainly illiterate 
Mandinka personalities based in Banjul and or working in  Banjul who felt at the 
time that the colonial system favoured the colony people  who were mainly 
Wollof and Aku speaking peoples. During the colonial period,  many protectorate 
people became suspicious of the mission schools because of the  fear that they 
may convert their children to Christianity since most of the  schools were run 
by the missionaries. The colonial government was initially only  interested in 
educating the children of their most loyal partners, the  protectorate chiefs. 
This was why Aku’s and Wollofs originating from the colony  happened to be 
the people who occupied Civil Service jobs and in so doing were  seen to have 
benefited from the “tubab,” colonialists.
As a result, people in  the protectorate be they Wollof, Mandinka, Jola or 
Fula who were illiterate and  who were outside of Banjul could only seek for 
labourers’ jobs in  Banjul.
According to the Foroyaa issue No. 22/9/,” even people who spoke  up-country 
Wollof, had the same problem of integration in Banjul” people at the  time did 
look down on such people as dafts. This was the social reality which  only 
matured people could have understood, and the failure to understand this  was 
what had led to the sectionalist sentiments of people who felt that they  were b
eing discriminated.”
As you can see all the parties that vied for  political leadership after 
franchise is extended to the provinces, only one  claimed to have come from the 
provinces, that is the PPP.
THE FORMATION OF  THE PPP
According Mr. Sanjally Bojang, a veteran of the people’s protectorate  party 
who before his death spoke to this columnist has confirmed that there were  
very few Mandinkas in Banjul when he used to go there to look for work. He said  
one day he was invited by one Dr. Jones for a discussion. He indicated that 
Dr.  Jones told him that many people died from the provinces without any 
relatives to  bury them. He said Jones told him that these people were being buried 
as the  government knew best, without regard to Muslim rites. Mr. Sanjally 
Bojang said  he could not sleep without thinking of that,  so he kept that in his 
mind.  He said they then established an association called “Linlai Warasul” 
meaning  (Help for God’s sake). He said they then made an announcement and 
called on all  those who belong to the Mandinka language grouping to answer to 
the call  to  address their common interest, no matter how scattered they had 
been.  According to him, Mandinkas answered to the call of “Linlai Warasul.” He 
 indicated that they were all very poor, so as he said they then agreed that 
each  person should pay six pence every Sunday, that they used their 
collection to  respond to any news of a dead person. He indicated that it was the 
collection  they utilized to buy perfume, needle and cloth for the burial. As the 
demand  intensified he said many began to leave. He said he therefore saw the 
need to  include the districts outside of Banjul which led them to form a 
society called  the (Kombo, Niumi, Friendship Society) which was later transformed 
to be a party  called the People’s Protectorate Party.
Mr. Bojang narrated that the party  arose from hard work they had done for 
the people, and when the masses saw the  support they had given to their dead 
relatives, they were ready to render  support. And as he said some people began 
to form organizations such as  “MACCARTHY COMPINO” led by Kebba Burama Njie. 
So when they heard the Elections  would be extended to the provinces, they 
began to prepare for it.
In 1958,  there was a chief’s conference held in Brikama. It was at that 
meeting that it  became clear as to whether elections were to be extended to the 
provinces or  not. He said some chiefs asked him to bring elders to the 
conference which he  did, because of its importance. He said “Linlai Warasul and 
Kombo Niumi  Friendship Society” all sent representatives. He said the meeting 
took place in  his brother’s residence, that is Landing Baraballi Bojang. He said 
he was later  informed by Chief Karamo Sainey Kaba from Kaiaf that elections 
were to take  place involving the whole entire country.
In that meeting, Mr. Bojang said  Mr. J.C Faye attended it with keen interest 
since he already had established his  own party at the time. According to Mr. 
Bojang, it was shortly after that, that  they formed the PPP but as he said 
the educated people from the provinces did  not trust it at the time. They did 
not believe that it could succeed so he said  they had to find them and 
consult them to join them. He said they were spreading  their message by word of 
mouth because as he said none of them could write. So  they then contacted Mr. 
Buna Darboe and sheriff Sisay who answered to them and  Sheriff accepted to be 
helping them in writing their messages. He named  personalities like Famara 
Wassa Touray who was literate, Jombo Bojang and Buna  Darboe who could not write 
nor read. He said Sheriff worked very hard until  their information reached 
all over the country, then they removed the secrecy  about their activities. He 
named one Lang Fatty and Arfang Lalo Singhateh who  initiated the collection 
of contributions from many people.
According to Mr.  Sanjally Bojang, they had serious difficulty getting an 
office where they could  meet and plan their activities small in Banjul but as he 
said a small house  belonging to Pa Francis Small was provided to them with a 
little wooden room. He  Praised Francis Small as one of the first lights in 
Banjul. He indicated that  after their subscriptions, they then called on all 
the educated Mandinkas to a  meeting. He said many people had answered to the 
meeting. As the organizer of  the party, Mr. Bojang said he kept on informing 
people as they came, with the  objective of convincing the educated Mandinka 
who he said were very skeptical at  the time.
According to him, after two meetings, many people said they should  select a 
leader and what he suggested was for them to identify someone who is  
knowledgeable and who would cook but would not dip his or her hand in the food,  
he/she should be such a person regardless of whether he was a rich man’s son or  
that of a blacksmith, leather worker, slave or a poor man. He said it was Lang  
Saho who said they should take caution and go by the advice of the elders and  
select a son of a chief. He said all the elders agreed and a Dr. Marena was  
selected unanimously.
Dr. Marena was a native of Kudang in the Niamina  District. He was a mandinka 
speaking and seen to be highly educated. He was seen  by Mr. Bojang to be 
highly respected and who he said loved the country, but as  he said, Marena 
turned down the selection. He said when he asked Marena to  recommend someone, 
Marena recommended Kairaba Jawara. This was how he said they  selected Kairaba 
Jawara but as he said Jawara was also afraid of people putting  him up only to 
betray him in the end. He said it took everybody, Mandinka,  Wollof, Fula of 
protectorate origin to beg to convince Jawara to accept which he  eventually did.

GENDER, NATION BUILDING AND ROLE OF PARLIAMENTS  LEARN FROM RWANDA
Rwanda has just hosted a huge international conference to  mark the 10th 
anniversary of the Rwanda Women Parliamentary Forum, and the theme  of the 
conference is “Gender, National Building and Role of Parliaments”
The  objective of this conference is for the Rwanda parliament to share what 
they  called good practices with other parliaments in the world and learn 
about what  they have alone to achieve the objectives stated in international 
instruments  and declarations such as the Beijing + 10 Declaration and the 
resolutions of the  Inter-Parliamentary Union’s Assemblies.
The Rwandan Parliament would also  like to see strategic partnerships and 
capacities of parliaments reinforced in  their traditional missions of 
legislating, overseeing government action and  advocating for the consideration of 
gender dimension in the parliament mission  the conference also had specific 
objectives such as, 
1. To understand and  draw lessons from different experiences of success 
stories of best practices in  gender and nation building;
2. To strengthen the networks and partnerships  between parliaments and 
development partners in order to consolidate gains and  to build a stronger network 
in gender and nation building.
3. Develop new  insights and commitments for institutionalizing gender as a 
vehicle for  achieving nation building; and 
4. Highlight the critical challenges on the  road towards gender equality and 
national development and map out the strategies  for addressing them in order 
to move forward.
Four hundred (400) delegates  were invited to this conference. (200) tow 
hundred were expected from outside or  Rwanda, and the other (200) were to come 
from Rwanda itself. Halifa Sallah was  invited in his personal capacity to give 
speeches and play the role of  rappateur. Women constitute 48.8 percent of 
parliament and is leading world  ranking of women in parliament, constituting all 
the seven political parties in  Rwanda.
A. The Chamber of Deputies
The Lower Chamber of Deputies plays the  role of legislating, representing 
the people of Rwanda and overseeing Government  action. The lower Chamber of 
Deputies is composed of eight members elected for a  five-year term and 
representing all sectors of the population. Fifty-three  members were elected from by a 
proportional representation system. Of the  remaining seats, twenty-four were 
elected by women from the provinces and Kigali  City, two by the National 
Youth Council, and one by the Federation of the  Associations of the Disabled. 
Women hold a total of 48.8%, the largest  representation in the world.
B. The Senate
The Senate is composed of  twenty-six members representing all Rwandans. They 
are elected or appointed to  serve for a term of eight years. Twelve 
represent the provinces and the City  Kigali; eight are appointed by the President of 
the Republic; four are appointed  by the Forum of Political Organisations and 
two represent Universities and  Higher Learning Institutions (public and 
private). Former heads if state can  also be members of the Senate if they make a 
request to that effect and have  honorably completed their terms or have 
voluntarily resigned.
In the current  Senate, nine Senators are women, an average of 34,6% women 
representation in the  ‘Upper Chamber’ of the Parliament of Rwanda. This chamber
’s main missions  include legislating, representation of the people of 
Rwanda, oversight of  government action, electing and approving high public 
officials and supervision  of the application of the fundamental principles of the 
State of Rwanda referred  to in articles 9 and 54 of the Constitution.

AZIZ TAMBA AND CO.  TRIAL
Witness Denies Knowing Opening of Account
By Bubacarr K.  Sowe
Yankuba Jatta, financial comptroller of the Kanilai family Farm Company  has 
testified that he never knew that an account has been opened for the  farm.
In a cross examination with one of the accused persons, Mustapha  Bojang, Mr. 
Jatta the Financial Comptroller said that he always inform Mr.  Bojang on any 
amount he collects from customers. Jatta also said that most of  the time he 
met Bojang in Foni where he handed over collected amounts to him.  Jatta 
informed the court that he usually updates Bojang on customers who had  paid.
Aziz Tamba, cross-examining Mr. Jatta asked whether the requests he  (Tamba) 
was making were his assignments; Jatta said yes, Tamba used to say they  are 
requests he (Tamba) is assigned to. Tamba also asked whether Mr. Jatta do  
count the money in a container, Jatta responded in the negative.
Also  cross-examining Mr. Jatta, Nfamara Colley asked Jatta whether he 
prepares  receipts, which Jatta responded in the positive. 
The three accused persons,  Aziz Tamba, Mustapha Bojang and Nfamara Colley 
are accused of stealing about  19.5 million dalasis at the Kanilai Farms. Aziz 
Tamba is already serving eleven  years jail term. 
 
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