Mr. Jallow,

I subscribe to your views. Thanks.

Saul


>From: chernob jallow <[log in to unmask]>
>Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list
><[log in to unmask]>
>To: [log in to unmask]
>Subject: Re: Some useful comments/observations
>Date: Sun, 14 Nov 1999 04:16:31 PST
>
>Let me reveal this: Ebrima Cessay and I are very good friends and former
>colleagues at the Daily Observer. There, we enjoyed a good working
>relationship, and endured some excruciating pain - of a malady afflicting
>many an African journalist, struggling to be free and honest in a political
>environment well-marinated in authoritarianism. Our bad experiences with
>the
>Jammeh regime brought, and continue to bring, us closer together.
>Oftentimes, our views do share a lot in common.
>
>However, I do not agree with some of his arguments in his comparative
>assessement of the good of civilian as opposed to the bad of military, rule
>in The Gambia. While the central idea of his article has some tangibility,
>it may not be churlish to say that his arguments do not follow the guided
>accuracy of thoughtfulness and careful scrutiny. Ebrima is certainly right
>that there now exists a modicum of liberalism that was absent during the
>transitional period. This liberalism is a consequence of the tender mercies
>of civilianism, not Jammeh's own making.
>
>True, time was during the transition, when military despotism held captive
>our society's political imagination. Our nation was gripped by the
>psychological trauma of the mysterious deaths of former finance minister
>Ousman Koro Ceesay and former AFPRC spokesman Sadibou Hydara. And the
>November 11, 1994 "counter coup" in which a crop of officers of the Gambia
>National Army perished. And the human rights violations. And the rampant
>soldier-beatings in the streets. As a reporter roving the neighbourhoods, I
>chanced upon numerous cases of soldiers taking the law into their own hands
>and bullying innocent civilians.
>
>In front of the Daily Observer building - a newspaper house! - I once saw
>an
>army seargent come out of his car, wrestled a bicyclist on the ground and
>hurled him numerous slaps. His only crime, after I investigated the
>incident, was that he had simply crossed the driveway of the army seargent.
>In an another incident, I saw three young men lying on the floor inside the
>NIA headquarters, being trampled upon and kicked by a phalanx of NIA
>agents.
>When I tried to investigate the matter with the NIA, I was also meted out
>the same punishment, dragged all the way to a detention room.
>
>Ebrima is right about the dangers inherent in the transitional period. M.C.
>Cham and others couldn't travel in those days, O .A Jallow couldn't
>challenge the constitutionality or lack of, the decrees of the military
>regime. The liberalism now enjoyed, according to Ebrima, is making all
>these
>people do what they couldn't during the transition. He said he saw M.C.
>Cham
>at the airport the other day, traveling to The Gambia?
>
>Evidently M.C Cham can now travel, but what about the deputy secretary
>general of the UDP Yaya Jallow? He has not been able to travel overseas to
>see his children because the authorities reportedly hold his passport. And
>those of his colleagues, too. The AFPRC clamped down on the press, fired
>judges at will, violated human rights with impunity during the transition,
>and the same excesses are being perpetuated in the Second Republic.
>
>Ebrima sounds very apocalyptic about the uncertainties of the transitional
>period. But it is not as if The Gambia were enveloped in Cimmerian
>darkness.
>It is not as if the AFPRC were a sickly-famished bear lying in wait in the
>woods, ready to devour any unsuspecting stranger. And it is not as if the
>Gambian people willingly submitted themselves to the bestiality of the
>AFPRC. They crafted ways of expressing their feelings and guarded whatever
>was left of their few freedoms and liberties.
>
>Never mind the despotism of the transitional period, it arguably had some
>semblance of positivity that the "liberalised authoritarianism" has not
>given us. During the transition, Gambian optimism was heightened by Jammeh,
>who rode to power on a crest wave of national euphoria. He mulled the idea
>of presidential term-limits so that no other person could rule us
>perpetually like Jawara. He promised a new era of accountability,
>transparency and probity. He promised to respect press freedom. He promised
>that he and his council members would face commissions of inquiry in a bid
>to show exemplary conduct of accountability and transparency. At least,
>Jammeh sounded a democrat during the transition, and Gambian hopes were
>buoyed by his promissory declarations. Which, in itself, was arguably a
>healthy lubricant in the functioning of our body politic in those tense
>moments.
>
>But civilian rule has meant nothing in this regard. Jammeh's contempt for
>democracy is openly displayed. He has not actualized his promises. He said
>commissioners who didn't support his government risked dismissal. And as if
>ordered to emphasise Jammeh's warning in trenchant tones, Youths and Sports
>Minister Yankuba Touray, told an APRC rally that Gambian civil servants
>were
>to bestow total allegiance on the APRC government or risked joining the
>firing line.
>
>So, in both the transitional period and current-day, we observe the
>prevalence of the good and the bad in each case. But if we focus too much
>on
>this dichotomy, we are bound to lend absurdity to our rationality.
>Examining
>the political undercurrents of the transitional period and its aftermath in
>a broader perspective, enables us to go beyond polarizing specifics and
>concentrate on the totality of the military coup and its concomitants.
>
>What "liberalised authoritarianism"? To what extent has it translated into
>the greater good for Gambian society? It means little or nothing as long as
>this modicum of liberalism is the handiwork of institutional framework, not
>necessarily the free-will offering of an unreformed, unchecked leadership.
>All good governments are grounded in the sacredness of accountability and
>transparency to its citizenry. And the primary function of any government
>is
>to protect the liberties and freedoms of its citizens. But where a
>government is more powerful than its citizens, refuses to be accountable
>and
>transparent, refuses to reform itself, the presence of any liberalism,
>however scanty, remains only a facade, not a reality enshrined in the
>collective conscience of the leaders and the led. That is the sad reality
>about The Gambia.
>
>Ebrima says that Gambians voted for Jammeh simply for the fear that his
>defeat would have caused "turmoil." That is preposterous to me. But if
>that's indeed the reason for voting Jammeh into power, then woe betide us.
>In my opinion, Jammeh was voted president not because his defeat would have
>triggered unrest, but out of mass gullibility and ignorance, a political
>culture that Jawara bequeathed to Jammeh. And which, Jammeh - perhaps
>irremediably, but certainly willingly - shoved deeper down the arteries of
>our nation's political psyche, much to his advantage. The tragedy
>continues...
>
>Coach, no hard feelings, man. Just trying to speak my mind. Thanks for the
>article. At least, it is generating a healthy debate.
>
>Cherno Baba Jallow
>Wayne State University
>Detroit, MI
>
>From: Abdoulaye Saine <[log in to unmask]>
>
>>Reply-To: [log in to unmask]
>>To: [log in to unmask]
>>Subject: Re: Some useful comments/observations
>>Date: Sat, 13 Nov 1999 18:26:21 -0500
>>
>>Ebrima Ceesay, Musa Jeng, Jabou Joh, Bakary Sonko, Katim Touray and
>>Saiks Samateh:
>>
>>The ongoing debate is healthy and I commend you and all those who
>>responded to my earlier posting "It is Time To Heal." I have compiled
>>the responses to the posting and will provide a summary of the various
>>comments and suggestions.
>>
>>Regarding "some useful comments/ observations" by Ebrima Ceesay, I could
>>not agree more with his analysis. John Wiseman and I have made similar
>>comments elsewhere.  Wiseman, who is British, has written a lot on
>>Gambia.  It is this "opening" in Gambia's political landscape that we
>>must use as an entry point.  We can debate the modalities later. Ebrima,
>>keep up the good "comparative" analysis!
>>
>>Abdoulaye Saine
>>
>>Keep up the Good work!
>>
>>Abdoulaye
>>
>>
>>ebrima ceesay wrote:
>> >
>> > Gambia L,
>> >
>> > As I stated in a previous posting to the L, I am not holding a brief
>>for
>>Mr
>> > Jammeh on this matter.
>> >
>> > However, for the sake of a healthy debate, I'll react to the
>>points/concerns
>> > raised by brothers Musa Jeng and Saiks Samateh.
>> >
>> > But before giving my reaction, I must say that for me it is very
>>encouraging
>> > to observe that the Gambian mind has now become more fact-finding, more
>> > cross-questioning and more empirical.
>> >
>> > Gambians are now, more than before, asking very relevant questions,
>> > listening more attentively, and dissecting issues more carefully, in
>>order
>> > to be in a better position to discern the truth from the sham.
>> >
>> > It is also refreshing to observe on the L, nowadays, that despite our
>> > differences in thoughts and beliefs, we are now beginning to debate in
>>a
>> > more healthy manner. That's very reassuring, and we certainly need to
>> > maintain the habit.
>> >
>> > Henceforth, let us try and listen to each other's views, even if one
>>does
>> > not subscribe to such views. Tolerating your opponent's views, if I may
>>put
>> > that way, does no harm to you, of course, provided that such views are
>> > expressed respectfully.
>> >
>> > In fact, I am reminded, at this point, of what the celebrated African
>> > American scholar, William E.B Du Bois, said in one his numerous
>>speeches.
>> >
>> > To paraphrase it, he said that in order to get to the facts, it was
>> > necessary that we listened to not only what we believed, but also what
>>we
>> > did not believe.
>> >
>> > Now, let me try and respond to the issues raised by Saiks and Mr Jeng.
>> >
>> > In my piece titled, "Some useful comments/observations", I had made the
>> > following statement: "That the fundamental question to be asked now, in
>>my
>> > view, is whether a badly flawed transition was preferable to a
>>continuation
>> > of undiluted military rule."
>> >
>> > I had concluded as follows: "That in my view, and in the view of many
>> > observers of the Gambia's political scene, in spite of all its
>> > imperfections, the change did mark a limited movement away from
>>military
>> > dictatorship and toward a kind of 'liberalised authoritarianism'."
>> >
>> > Now, Mr Jeng wanted me "to revisit the thought process behind the
>>phrase."
>> >
>> > Semantic aside, he also asked me whether the people are better of with
>>one
>> > or the other. Lastly, he asked me whether both "could lead to the same
>> > political doldrums and socio-economic backwardness."
>> >
>> > First of all, let me say that phrases/terms such as pure
>>authoritarianism,
>> > liberalised authoritarianism etc are used in Comparative Politics.
>> >
>> > There is more to these terms, but to simplify them, I would say pure
>> > authoritarianism, as the name implies, is absolute dictatorship and
>> > liberalised authoritarianism is still a dictatorship, but where people
>>can
>> > make limited criticism.
>> >
>> > Mr Jeng, in my view, both liberalised authoritarianism and total
>> > dictatorship are all cruel systems which ought to be dismantled. No
>>people
>> > deserve either of the two, because both systems are repressive.
>> >
>> > However, permit me to try and explain why I said that a badly flawed
>> > transition in the Gambian situation, in my view, was preferable to a
>> > continuation of undiluted military rule.
>> >
>> > Here, I must tell Saiks that I didn't imply that there was a
>>significant
>> > difference between the Gambia during the transition period and now. I
>>am
>> > aware of the injustices, the corruption etc in our Nation. I know that
>>our
>> > Nation is still bleeding and only God knows what can save her.
>> >
>> > But, in my view, there were certain barbaric acts, permissible when the
>> > Gambia was under undiluted military rule, that cannot be permitted or
>> > tolerated now.
>> >
>> > I maintain that Jammeh's hands, as I stated before, are a little bit
>>tied,
>> > now that he is a so-called civilian leader. Yes, as Saiks rightly
>>pointed
>> > out, the opposition parties and the Gambian civil society are
>>determined
>>to
>> > see to it that their fundamental rights and freedoms are not trampled
>>upon.
>> >
>> > But the transitional arrangements, as bad as they were, have provided
>>the
>> > basis on which the opposition parties and the Gambian civil society can
>>now
>> > challenge the "unlawful arrest, detention and torture" Saiks is talking
>> > about.
>> >
>> > Today, Lamin Waa Juwara, for instance, can criticise Jammeh, on a daily
>> > basis, and Jammeh will think twice, perhaps even three times, before
>> > ordering for the arrest of Waa Juwara, not because Jammeh is afraid of
>>Waa
>> > Juwara, but because there is a legal frame in place restricting Jammeh.
>> >
>> > The new Constitution, as seriously flawed as it is, has restrained Mr
>>Jammeh
>> > a little bit. Saiks talked about the kidnapping of Shyngle Nyassi.
>> >
>> > Now, if the Gambia was still under undiluted military rule, Shyngle
>>will
>> > never have been released, and there would not have been any basis  on
>>which
>> > his illegal detention could have been challenged.
>> >
>> > When the Gambia was under undiluted military rule, the junta had
>>enacted
>>a
>> > Decree, nullifying writs of Habeas Corpus.
>> >
>> > Habeas Corpus is a writ requiring a person under arrest, or
>>imprisonment, to
>> > be brought before a judge in a court of law, to investigate the
>>legality
>>of
>> > his arrest and detention.
>> >
>> > Now, during the transition period, when the Gambia was under undiluted
>> > military, Lamin Waa Juwara was kidnapped by the regime, and detained
>>for
>> > over a year. Amnesty International, the Gambia's Development Partners,
>>the
>> > Gambian civil society had all urged Jammeh to release Waa Juwara, but
>>to
>>no
>> > avail.
>> >
>> > However, this time around when Shyngle Nyassi was kidnapped, the
>> > transitional arrangements, as flawed as they were, provided the basis
>>on
>> > which Nyassi's kidnapping can be challenged in a court of law.
>> >
>> > And when the Judge ordered the security forces to release him, they had
>>to
>> > do so, I am sure, against their desire, but they had no choice.
>> >
>> > The transitional arrangements, as bad as they were, have also provided
>>a
>> > National Assembly, where critical discussions of public concerns can
>>now
>> > take place.
>> >
>> > Yes, the Speaker of the House, Mustapha Wadda, is partisan and has, in
>>fact,
>> > used the powers of his office to block critical motions.
>> >
>> > But in an effort to get around this obstacle, opposition MPs,
>>especially
>>the
>> > MP of my constituency, Hamat Bah, having been making the most of the
>> > adjournment debates that occur at the end of each assembly session, and
>> > during which MPs may raise any issue they choose.
>> >
>> > Here I must point out that while these debates do not allow the
>>introduction
>> > of new motions, or the questioning of Secretaries of State, they do,
>> > notwithstanding, provide a public forum for the criticism of
>>government's
>> > policies and actions.
>> >
>> > Hamat Bah has been using this platform very effectively.
>> >
>> > >From outside, it would be difficult to see any difference between the
>>Gambia
>> > then and now, but those of us who were on the ground during time when
>> > decrees were being used to govern us would dare to say that a badly
>>flawed
>> > transition was preferable to a continuation of undiluted military rule!
>> >
>> > Again, I'll not hesitate to repeat that, in my view, in spite of all
>>its
>> > imperfections, the change did mark a LIMITED movement away from
>>absolute
>> > dictatorship and toward a kind of a less harsher dictatorship, call it
>> > liberalised authoritarianism or whatever.
>> >
>> > One does not have to agree with me. In fact, why should he/she? But
>>having
>> > said that I know, for a fact, that my views are in line with present
>>day
>> > research on the Gambia.
>> >
>> > In conclusion, I must say that some people are yet to realise how
>>DELICATE
>> > and volatile the transition period in the Gambia was.
>> >
>> > Many people don't still know that during the transition period, the
>>Gambia
>> > could have easily become another Liberia, if we did not have people
>>like
>> > Halifa Sallah, who could always come up, at the right time, with
>>appropriate
>> > crisis management mechanisms, to diffuse a potential crisis.
>> >
>> > The situation was also helped by the fact that Jammeh, in the end, did
>>win
>> > the election. At one point, the tension was so high and frightening,
>> > especially the week before the presidential election, that I, for one,
>>had
>> > thought that an unrest was inevitable!
>> >
>> > I remember a senior diplomat telling me and Mick Slatter, the BBC
>> > correspondent who came to cover the presidential election, that for the
>>sake
>> > of the continued peace and stability of the Gambia, he wanted Jammeh to
>>win
>> > the election.
>> >
>> > This particular diplomat never liked Jammeh, whether his person or his
>> > policies, but having read the political situation in the Gambia at the
>>time,
>> > he said if he were to vote in the election, he would vote for Jammeh
>>not
>> > because he subscribed to his policies, but because Jammeh's victory
>>would
>> > ensure the continued peace and stability of the Gambia.
>> >
>> > Yes, there is no dispute about the fact that the electoral process was
>> > extremely flawed, and it gave Jammeh massive advantages. But despite
>>the
>> > unfairness of the electoral process, the opposition could have still
>>won
>>the
>> > election if the voters were sure that electing the UPD, for example,
>>would
>> > not have caused an unrest in the country if you know what I mean.
>> >
>> > The electoral process was seriously flawed, but I sincerely believe
>>that
>>the
>> > actual counting of votes was free. People were fed with military rule,
>>and
>> > they definitely wanted a change.
>> >
>> > In fact, I, for one, am certain that under normal circumstances, the
>> > opposition would have won the presidential election, even regardless of
>>the
>> > fact the electoral process was badly flawed.
>> >
>> > But many voters decided, when saw the kind of tension that was brewing
>>in
>> > the country, days before the presidential election, to vote for Jammeh
>>for
>> > the sake of the continued peace, stability and tranquility of the
>>country.
>> >
>> > Now, to understand the logic behind this change of heart by many voters
>>who
>> > intended to vote for the opposition, I must recall a significant
>>statement
>> > Darboe made during campaign period.
>> >
>> > He had said that if he won the election, the junta would have to
>>account
>>for
>> > their actions, during the transition period, despite the indemnity
>>clauses
>> > in the new Constitution. That statement frighten the Ruling Military
>> > Council.
>> >
>> > And after Darboe uttered that statement, it was very clear to me,
>>especially
>> > having listened to some of the remarks Captain Yankuba Touray was
>>making,
>> > that the junta would have never handed over power if Darboe won.
>> >
>> > This was the period when Yankuba was announcing at rallies that Jammeh
>>would
>> > win whether the electorate voted for him or not.
>> >
>> > What is clear is that many voters who did not want to see our country
>> > engulfed in turmoil, decided, at the 11th hour, to vote for Jammeh
>>because,
>> > in their view, Jammeh's victory would guarantee the continued peace and
>> > stability of the Gambia.
>> >
>> > Mr Jeng, coming to your question on whether both liberalised
>> > authoritarianism and total military dictatorship could lead to the same
>> > political doldrums and socio-economic backwardness, I'll give you a
>>very
>> > strong YES answer. To be  continued whenever time permits me.
>> >
>> > And next time I write on this subject, I'll explain why Jammeh and
>>Captain
>> > Edward Singhateh, even though they may not necessarily be the best of
>> > friends, are still working together very closely.
>> >
>> > That's why I always laugh at reports that do surface, from time to
>>time,
>> > that Jammeh is about to sack or arrest Singhateh.
>> >
>> > I remember a week or so before Captain Ebou Jallow defected to
>>Washington
>> > DC, he met me AFRA FM on Kairaba Avenue, he then was overseeing the
>>Ministry
>> > of External (Blaise Jagne was away), and he started lamenting about
>> > Singhateh, especially his behaviour in the then ruling council
>>meetings.
>> >
>> > Ebrima Ceesay,
>> > Birmingham, UK.
>> >
>> > ______________________________________________________
>> > Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com
>> >
>> >
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>> >
>> >
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