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Subject: [TheBlackList] ANC Today - MBEKI: Africa Must Unite!
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>From: ANC Today <[log in to unmask]>
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>Subject: ANC Today  6 July 2007
>
>ANC Today
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>Volume 7, No. 26 . 6-12 July 2007
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>THIS WEEK:
>
>* Letter from the President: Africa Must Unite!
>* What The Media Says: Izangoma ezingabathakathi
>* The Accra Declaration
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT
>
>Africa Must Unite!
>
>The 9th Ordinary Session of the African Union (AU) Assembly of Heads of
State and
>Government took place in Accra, Ghana on July 1-3. The Summit Meeting was
very well
>attended. In part this was because it served as yet another occasion to
celebrate the
>50th Anniversary of the independence of Ghana. It was of course also
distinguished by
>the fact that it was scheduled to engage in a "Grand Debate on the
(African) Union
>Government", which it did.
>
>The matter of the possibility of establishing an All-Africa Union
Government has
>appeared on the agenda of the AU over the last two years. The January 2007
8th
>Ordinary Session of the Assembly decided that the July Accra Summit Meeting
should be
>dedicated to a discussion of this important matter in order to reach some
finality
>about how our continent should proceed with regard to the issue of the
establishment
>of a Union Government.
>
>The Summit Meeting concluded with the adoption of the Accra Declaration,
which did
>indeed specify the Continental Programme of Action to address the issue of
a Union
>Government. But before we reflect on the content of the Accra Declaration,
we must
>make some comments on various issues that relate to this important matter.
>
>A shared destiny:
>
>For many decades, the peoples of Africa have shared the hope that in time
Africa
>would unite, repudiating the divisions imposed on the continent during the
period of
>imperialism and colonialism, which gave our countries their national
boundaries.
>
>The desire to unite was driven by the recognition of the fact that the
peoples of
>Africa share a common destiny and that we would succeed to secure our
rightful place
>among the world community of nations when and if we are able to act
together as one
>integrated unit, in fact a United States of Africa.
>
>All the African Heads of State and Government and the Ministers who
participated in
>the Summit Meeting reemphasised and underlined this view. There is
absolutely no
>doubt that our continent's political leadership is firmly committed to the
vision of
>a united Africa. This leadership understands very well what this would mean
in terms
>of the full recovery of the dignity of the African people, including those
in the
>Diaspora.
>
>It also clearly understands the critical importance of African integration
and unity
>to the achievement of the goal of a better life for all our peoples.
Regularly and
>correctly, many of the 40 speakers who addressed the Summit Meeting during
the
>general debate recalled the appeal made by Kwame Nkrumah, an Esteemed
Member of the
>Order of the Companions of O.R. Tambo, that - Africa must Unite!
>
>Reflecting this strong conviction, the Accra Declaration said Africa's
leaders are
>convinced "of the need for common responses to the major challenges of
globalisation
>facing Africa and boosting regional integration processes through an
effective
>continental mechanism. (They recognise) that opening up narrow domestic
markets to
>greater trade and investment through freer movement of persons, goods,
services and
>capital would accelerate growth thus, reducing excessive weaknesses of many
of our
>Member of States, (and that the envisaged) Union Government should be built
on common
>values that need to be identified and agreed upon as benchmarks. (Given the
critical
>importance of this matter, Africa's political leaders also acknowledge) the
>importance of involving the African peoples in order to ensure that the
African Union
>is a Union of peoples and not just a "Union of states and governments," as
well as
>the African Diaspora in the processes of economic and political integration
of our
>continent."
>
>Our mandate:
>
>Our delegation at the Accra Summit Meeting was especially empowered to
participate in
>the deliberations for a number of reasons. One of these was that our
National
>Assembly had discussed our approach to the issue of the formation of a
Union
>Government.
>
>The overwhelming view of this important chamber of our National Parliament
was that
>our country should support and encourage the advancement of our continent
towards its
>integration and unity. The National Assembly said we should work towards
this
>objective systematically and step by step, starting by laying a firm
foundation and
>then proceeding to build the required edifice.
>
>The July 27-30 ANC National Policy Conference had also considered this
matter. It
>adopted exactly the same approach taken by our National Assembly.
Specifically, it
>said our movement "in principle supports the establishment of the Union
Government
>and the creation of the United States of Africa as a step towards the
strategic goal
>of the unification of Africa.
>
>"The process must be informed by a developmental agenda for Africa with an
immediate
>focus on building regional economic communities (RECs).and the
strengthening of the
>AU, and all its organs, in its role as a catalyst towards the formation of
the Union
>of African States."
>
>Beyond all this we were empowered by the fact that for us, the vision of a
United
>Africa is more than 150 years old. Already in the 1850s, our emerging
modern
>intelligentsia, represented by such outstanding patriots as the Rev Tiyo
Soga, spoke
>out in favour of a United Africa.
>
>When this intelligentsia, represented by such patriots as Mangena Mokone,
broke away
>from the established white churches in the 19th century, it established the
Ethiopian
>Church, so named to underline the fact that it was formed to assert the
unity of our
>continent and its common determination to restore Africa's independence by
liberating
>her from colonial rule.
>
>As we reported in Vol 7 No 24 of this journal, this same sentiment was also
conveyed
>by such founders of the ANC as John Langalibalele Dube and Pixley ka Izaka
Seme well
>before the foundation of our movement. Thus was the ANC established not as
a South
>African movement, but the organised leader of the peoples of Southern
Africa.
>
>We therefore went to Accra informed by a mandate in favour of African Unity
that is
>deeply embedded in our history and the very being of our movement. We also
went to
>Accra fully conscious of the enormous contribution that united African
action had
>made to our own struggle for liberation, as encapsulated in the activities
of the OAU
>and the sacrifices of the peoples especially of Southern Africa.
>
>African self-reliance:
>
>During the Accra Summit Meeting we also launched the Pan-African
Infrastructure
>Investment Fund (PAIID). PAIID, currently capitalised at over R4 billion
($625
>million), which is made up exclusively of African capital contributed by
South
>African and Ghanaian pension funds, the African Development Bank, and South
African
>private and public financial institutions.
>
>This is the first time ever that our continent has combined to draw on
Africa's own
>financial resources to address its developmental challenges. The launch of
PAIID
>therefore made the unequivocal statement that Africa is determined to be
its own
>liberator from poverty, underdevelopment and global marginalisation.
>
>It gave concrete expression to the aspiration expressed during the Grand
Debate on
>the Union Government that we must rely on ourselves to elaborate the
policies and
>programmes and generate a significant part of the resources that will take
us to the
>desired goal of a truly free Africa. We are confident that over the next 12
months,
>PAIID capitalisation will grow at least to R7 billion ($1 billion).
>
>The launch of the PAIID served as a practical response to the passionate
statement
>made by the President of Madagascar, Marc Ravalomanana, during the Grand
Debate, when
>he said:
>
>"I also agree with my brother, President Wade (of Senegal). We should not
always say
>Africa is a sick continent. We may not be sick, but we are not very
healthy! But we
>must also be honest, parts of Africa are very sick.
>
>"That is why we are so dependent on donors. The donors are like doctors.
The doctor
>keeps giving us our medicine, but we don't seem to be getting any better.
Maybe the
>medicine is wrong! Maybe we have the wrong doctor!...
>
>"If we want to succeed, we have to catch up with Asia and Europe fast. If
we do not
>catch up, we will always be far behind. But how can you catch up when Asia
and the
>West have such a big advantage?"
>
>The launch of PAIID gave the powerful response that one of the things that
we must do
>to catch up with Asia and the West is to rely on our resources,
demonstrating that
>from now onwards we will not rely so exclusively on the "medicine" we
receive from
>our donors. To emphasise this critically important development, PAIID has
already
>identified the NEPAD infrastructure projects in which it should invest.
>
>The APRM and a shared value system:
>
>The other important matter we would like to mention is that the African
Peer Review
>Forum made up of the Heads of State and Government of the African countries
that have
>acceded to the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), (now numbering 27),
also met to
>consider the Reviews of Algeria and South Africa, as well as the annual
reports on
>the Programmes of Action of the Governments of Kenya and Rwanda, originally
>elaborated to respond to the APRM reviews of these two countries.
>
>There will be an opportunity in future for us to fully reflect on all the
principal
>elements of the APRM Report on South Africa. For now we would like to
mention only
>three important points that are directly relevant to the pursuit of the
goal of
>African Unity, and especially what the Accra Declaration identified as
"common values
>that need to be identified and agreed upon as benchmarks", in the effort to
realise
>the vision of the United States of Africa.
>
>The proceedings of the African Peer Review Forum demonstrated that the APRM
is alive
>and well and is making a critical contribution to the creation of the new
Africa.
>During these proceedings an important discussion also took place focusing
on
>improving the quality of the work, and therefore the all-important
credibility, of
>the APRM. I am certain this will make a valuable contribution to the
critical
>objective further to improve the objectivity, precision and credibility of
the APRM
>reports and emphasise the independence of the APR panel which has the task
to prepare
>its own reviews of our countries.
>
>As a people we must feel inspired that, among other things in its report on
South
>Africa, the APR panel identified 18 best practices in our country, which it
>recommended should be emulated by other African countries as we, together,
strive to
>improve overall governance and accelerate our advance towards meeting the
goal of a
>better life for the masses of the peoples of our continent.
>
>Whither Africa?
>
>It was within this setting, including the continuing celebration of the
50th
>Anniversary of the independence of Ghana, that the AU Summit Meeting
adopted that
>Accra Declaration after an intense, frank and inclusive debate. In essence
the debate
>centred on one critical strategic question.
>
>This was - should we adopt a top-down approach to the formation of the
United States
>of Africa, with its Union Government, or should we follow the bottom-up
route! Should
>we set up a Union Government to lead this process or should we use our
existing
>structures, especially the Regional Economic Communities and the African
Union to
>effect the process of integration that would lead to the formation of a
Union
>Government serving as the Executive Authority of the United States of
Africa!
>
>The Accra Summit Meeting decided unanimously in favour of the latter
option, of
>building the House of Africa from its foundation upwards, constructing one
floor at a
>time, as Uganda President, Yoweri Museveni, put it. In the contribution we
have
>already cited, President Marc Ravalomanana of Madagscar said:
>
>"I know that for more than 40 years we have been talking about Pan
Africanism. I
>agree it is now time to move from talking to action. Let us get practical.
Come up
>with the plan. Let us agree on time-frames. Let us formulate a strategy.
>
>"In the Bible it says: 'Do not build your house on a foundation of sand. It
will
>collapse. The wise man builds his house on a foundation of stone. That
house will
>last.' "
>
>Emphasising the common resolve of our continent to move speedily towards
its unity,
>El Hadj President Omar Bongo Ondimba of Gabon said: "In effect, it is when
Africa
>speaks in one and the same voice that the international community will hear
and
>understand us. From this must emerge a consensus in favour of the political
and
>economic integration of Africa.
>
>"Quite clearly, fundamentally we have already decided that to achieve the
United
>States of Africa, we must create an Executive Organ of our Union. It
therefore seems
>clear that the time has come for us to create a Government of the Union."
>
>Representing the united view of the region of Southern Africa, the current
>Chairperson of SADC, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili of Lesotho, said:
>
>"We recognise that Africa's interests would be best served through both
political and
>economic integration. However, we must adopt a bottom-up approach, not a
top-down
>one. The entire process must be people-driven and not leaders-driven. It
must be the
>voice of the masses that determine Africa's ultimate destiny. Lest we be
>misunderstood, we must hurry to state that this view has nothing to do with
>abdication of leadership.
>
>"It has everything to do with the leadership taking along the peoples of
Africa that
>as leaders we are privileged to serve. This presupposes thorough
consultations with
>the citizens of our countries. We also believe that such integration should
be
>gradual rather than precipitous. It must be evolutionary rather than
revolutionary.
>It must be based on a road map that contains stages, strategies and
benchmarks.
>
>"At the end of the day, if another form of organisation is created, we
believe, it
>will be joined on a voluntary basis. What would the fate of those Member
States who
>do not join? We must take care not to further divide Africa in our haste to
'unite
>it'."
>
>The Accra Declaration - a Continental Directive
>
>The July 2007 Accra 9th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly of
African
>Heads of State and Government concluded its Grand Debate on the Union
Government by
>unanimously adopting the Accra Declaration, fully reflecting the strategic
approach
>enunciated by Prime Minister Phakalitha Mosisili and advanced by other
African
>political leaders. With regard to the observation made in the Accra
Declaration about
>the need to involve the African Diaspora, we were fortunate that present
during the
>Summit Meeting were such eminent members of this African Diaspora as Jesse
Jackson,
>Andy Young and the jazz master Herbie Hancock from the USA, as well as
Valerie Amos
>and Dianne Abbott from the UK.
>
>When he opened the Summit Meeting, the Current Chairperson of the AU and
President of
>Ghana, John Kuffuor said: "In 1965, Dr. Nkrumah hosted a Summit of the OAU
here in
>Accra where the project for the Continental Government was first discussed.
It is
>therefore an uncanny coincidence that here in Accra, on the 50th
anniversary of our
>Independence, this same subject of continental government should return to
the agenda
>of the Summit of the African Union as its sole item for deliberation.
>
>"In the light of global developments, including the formation of political
and
>economic groupings on other continents, and in spite of some economic and
political
>progress, Africa can be said to be running against time in its efforts at
>integration. For this reason, the continent must leapfrog to attain a
dignified and
>promising place in the globalization process.
>
>"Permit me to state unambiguously that, given the complexities and
practical
>difficulties in the path of attaining this Union Government in one form or
the other,
>the topmost prerequisite facing us as leaders of the continent should be
mutual
>respect and trust among us all. We must also acknowledge the necessity for
shared
>values in terms of respect for human rights, principles of good governance
and the
>rule of law. These values should constitute the fabric of the Union's
budding
>institutions like the Pan-African Parliament and the Union Court of Justice
and Human
>Rights.
>
>"Since it was agreed that this all important issue of Union Government
should be
>debated upon within our various countries by our respective citizenry, it
is hoped
>that whatever we the leaders would put forward as our view-points will
reflect the
>views of our peoples. This should make our contributions human-centred and
clearly
>owned by our peoples.
>
>"With this as our guiding principle, everything else should be secondary.
Gender,
>religion and country should all be subsumed under the welfare of the
peoples of
>Africa who empower us as their leaders to meet at this Summit. Only our
peoples'
>ownership of this debate will give this conference its legitimacy and
>sustainability."
>
>The Accra Summit Meeting of the AU understood Chairperson John Kuffuor's
message. It
>took historically important decisions that, certainly in our case, enjoy
legitimacy
>and sustainability because they fully and faithfully reflect the will and
the
>aspirations of the masses of our people.
>
>The new President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Umaru Musa Yar'Adua
drew our
>attention to the "more fundamental challenge" we face. He said: "As my
predecessor
>and brother, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo declared at an earlier Forum on this
issue (of
>the Union Government), is the presence of the requisite courage, vision,
commitment,
>focus, and the political will to take decisions, abide by them, and
implement such
>decisions diligently."
>
>What now remains is that as South Africans we act together in unity, and as
an
>integral component part of the African masses, courageously and diligently
to
>implement the Continental Directive spelt out in the Accra Declaration. Yes
indeed,
>as Tiyo Soga, Mangena Mokone, Langalibalele Dube and Pixley Seme foresaw,
Africa must
>Unite!
>
>Thabo Mbeki
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>WHAT THE MEDIA SAYS
>
>Izangoma ezingabathakathi
>
>It is said that wonders never cease! The Sunday Times edition of July 1,
2007
>confirmed the truth behind this popular expression. In this edition the
newspaper
>carried a false front-page report of the decisions of the ANC Policy
Conference under
>the bold headline, "MBEKI DEFIES ANC".
>
>Consistent with this screaming headline, it manufactured a conclusion that
the ANC
>Policy Conference never arrived at, alleging "overwhelming opposition from
delegates
>at the party's policy conference this week" to Comrade Thabo Mbeki serving
a third
>term as President of the ANC.
>
>Determined to sustain its lie, the Sunday Times made the "prediction" that,
"If he
>stands, Mbeki will be on a collision course with his own party's
membership, who
>clearly stated this week that they would want the new ANC president to be
the
>country's next president."
>
>To sustain its campaign of lies, the Sunday Times said our Deputy
President, Comrade
>Jacob Zuma, had "said the ANC has established procedures on how to elect
its
>president and that the status quo - that the ANC president should be
president of the
>Republic - should be adhered to."
>
>The truth is that Deputy President Jacob Zuma made the simple and correct
statement
>that the ANC has established procedures to elect its leadership, and has
established
>procedures to select candidates it would present to Parliament for election
to the
>post of President of the Republic. He advanced the view, which was accepted
>unanimously by the Policy Conference, that there was no need to change any
of these
>procedures.
>
>Specifically, the Conference decided that consistent with the Constitution
of the
>ANC, all members of the ANC in good standing had equal rights to stand for
and be
>elected to any position in the ANC. Thus it made the specific and concrete
>determination that the membership of the ANC is not prohibited from
nominating and
>electing Comrade Thabo Mbeki for another term as our President, on the
grounds that
>he could not serve as President of the Republic after the 2009 elections.
>
>It went further to say that the ANC National Conference at the end of the
year would
>reflect on the issue of the procedures the ANC should adopt to select its
candidate
>for the post of President of the Republic. Naturally and correctly it made
no
>suggestions in this regard, despite the fact that, as Deputy President
Jacob Zuma had
>pointed out, our movement actually has tried and tested democratic
procedures to
>select this candidate.
>
>The question must arise - why did the Sunday Times feel both emboldened and
driven
>dramatically to propagate blatant falsehoods! Part of the answer to this
question is
>provided by the report on our Policy Conference carried in the "News &
Opinion"
>section of the newspaper. The sub-title of this report says, "devoid of
celebration
>and camaraderie, the meeting is a deadly serious power struggle."
>
>In the body of the article, the newspaper says: "Their agenda (of some of
the
>delegates) was clear: proposals on two centres of power, which would allow
Mbeki to
>stand for a third term as ANC president, were to be kicked in the head; the
popular
>movement supporting Zuma, which got ANC provinces to force Luthuli House to
reinstate
>him to ANC office at the party's Tshwane National General Council in June
2005, was
>still on the march."
>
>Thus, unashamedly the Sunday Times repeated the blatant lie that our
leadership had
>taken a decision in 2005 to remove Comrade Zuma from his position as Deputy
President
>of the ANC. This is despite the fact that all that had happened was that,
as he
>himself had explained, Comrade Zuma had requested that he be excused from
playing his
>role as Deputy President, pending the conclusion of the judicial processes
affecting
>him.
>
>Absolutely nobody had removed him from his elected position, and neither
had he
>requested that this should be done. All our National Executive Committee
did was to
>accede to his request. And all that happened at the 2005 NGC was that the
NGC said it
>did not support the request Comrade Zuma had made, and therefore resolved
that he
>should resume his work as our Deputy President, which Comrade Zuma
accepted.
>
>Because these truths do not serve its agenda, as the decisions of the 2007
Policy
>Conference obviously do not, the Sunday Times decided that it should
protect its true
>political intentions about our movement, and our country, by surrounding
them with a
>bodyguard of lies, to use an expression coined by Winston Churchill during
WWII.
>
>Perhaps the Editor of the Sunday Times, Mr Mondli Makhanya, disclosed at
least part
>of the reason why the Sunday Times is so determined to incorporate blatant
lies in
>its armoury, as it continues its determined campaign to misinform its
readers. We
>refer here to his article in the same July 1 edition, headed "Having
trusted leaders
>too much, we are ready to take back our power".
>
>In this article Mr Makhanya says: "Now the nation and the ANC seem ready to
move and
>have developed a healthy suspicion of power. Ironically, the man who
created the
>conditions for breaking the stranglehold on power is none other than Jacob
Zuma, who
>has been a rallying point for those defiant of the centre.
>
>"The Zuma camp's ability to stand up to the centre - albeit in defence of
wrong - has
>prised open the edifice that used to be the ANC.It is a good space.
>
>"ANC members need to protect this space, if only for their own sake. In
doing so they
>will be accepting that democracy is sometimes ugly and its outcomes are not
always
>desirable. But democracy has an amazing way of correcting itself.
>
>"The rest of society needs to know that the space is there to be used and
it is up to
>all South Africans to ensure that whatever leadership is elected in
December (at the
>ANC National Conference), knows it can never close that space again."
>
>From all this it is perfectly clear that what Mr Makhanya, and presumably
the
>newspaper he edits, seeks most fervently is to weaken the ANC. For this
reason, he
>argues that our principled cohesion and unity, which he falsely
characterises as
>"enormous power and trust (given) to one individual" - the President - is
inimical to
>the interests both of the ANC and the country.
>
>In this regard, he writes that in 1997, "Most members (of the ANC) believed
that
>there was no way an ANC president would misuse power entrusted him or her
by the
>people. How wrong they were."
>
>Thus does he amplify the obscene allegation once made that our President is
a
>"dictator". We understood when this accusation was made that it was
intended to
>weaken our movement, by discrediting its highest elected office. The fact
that it has
>now been repeated by the Editor of the Sunday Times, who comforts himself
with
>imagined decisions the Policy Conference never adopted, in no way changes
the
>intention of the allegation.
>
>Obviously, Mr Makhanya either does not know the ANC or overestimates his
capacity to
>influence its membership, or both. As the delegates at the Policy
Conference
>confirmed, our movement is unequivocal in its respect for the Constitution
of the ANC
>and its rules, conventions and traditions.
>
>Accordingly, our members fully understand the rights and responsibilities
of the
>President of the ANC, as defined by the ANC Constitution and decisions of
our
>National Conferences. Neither the Constitution nor the Conference decisions
in this
>regard were taken in error, subject to correction by Mr Makhanya.
>
>The ANC will continue to respect the principle and practice of democracy in
its work.
>At the same time, it will continue to defend the democratic practice of
respecting
>decisions taken by the majority. In this regard, together with our Deputy
President,
>Jacob Zuma, it will continue firmly to oppose the disease of factionalism
manifested
>as defiance of ANC decisions, which Mr Makhanya is desperately keen to
encourage,
>precisely to divide and weaken our movement.
>
>Being as old as we are, at 95 years, we are well-educated about the
"Stratcom"
>operations of the apartheid and previous regimes, which saw the division,
weakening
>and destruction of the ANC as a strategic task they had to accomplish at
all costs.
>We will therefore never hesitate to act and speak out in defence of the
principled
>cohesion and unity of the ANC, the Alliance and the broad democratic
movement,
>unequivocally repudiating all lies in this regard, and opposing all hostile
efforts
>intended to undermine or block the achievement of this objective.
>
>For over nine decades the ANC has insisted on the principle that in the
end, the
>truth must prevail. Our national history has consistently consigned to its
dustbin
>all those who resorted to lies to advance their objectives. At the same
time, the
>masses of our people, who have always refused to be deceived, have
consistently
>understood that only unjust causes, opposed to their interests, fly only
because they
>are borne aloft by a bundle of portable lies.
>
>We trust that, in time, Mr Makhanya will learn the important lesson about
his own
>people, our people, that these masses know that lies have short legs, and
therefore
>cannot travel far. As he learns this lesson, he might also come to
understand why the
>ANC, a product of generations of African and black hope, which is deeply
embedded in
>the psychology of these masses, is accurately described as a parliament of
the
>people. Our accession to political power has not changed this truly
historic and
>extraordinary reality, which all members of the ANC have an absolute
obligation to
>defend.
>
>When he closed our Policy Conference, our President said: "Since (the)
>ill-intentioned "predictions" (of opponents of our movement that the Policy
>Conference would be "characterised by deep divisions and bitter conflicts
among
>ourselves") failed to materialise, I am certain that these professional
critics are
>already at work to invent new negatives to give life to their negative
campaigns."
>
>The reports and comments published in the July 1 edition of the Sunday
Times
>confirmed the accuracy of the prediction made by our President, which was
warmly
>applauded and acknowledged by the Conference delegates.
>
>It is clear that Mr Makhanya and the Sunday Times were not listening and
watching.
>But, to be fair, perhaps they did listen and watch. If they did, the only
conclusion
>we can reach is that they saw the assembled delegates as being nothing more
than a
>mindless rented crowd, hired to respond to a paymaster who calls the tune.
>
>Indeed this was suggested in the "Hogarth" column in the same July 1
edition of the
>Sunday Times, which said the fact that our National Chairperson asked the
delegates
>to sing a freedom song that would communicate a mobilising song to the
nation,
>through the public broadcaster, the SABC, calling for positive action to
address our
>national challenges, "was unusual"! Clearly the Sunday Times has a very
perverse view
>of what is "usual".
>
>The foregoing communicates the message that the Editor, journalists and
sub-editors
>of the Sunday Times were obviously ready, and perhaps remain ready to throw
the
>public credibility of the newspaper to the winds, provided this serves the
political
>agenda of weakening and defeating the ANC. The stark reality, confirmed
during a
>period of more than nine testing decades, is that they will fail.
>
>The ANC centre will continue to hold. Nothing will fall apart. Democracy
both within
>the ANC and in our democratic Republic will continue to thrive, including
the
>guaranteed protection of freedom of the press, which also covers the Sunday
Times,
>but which this newspaper has regrettably and seemingly decided to abuse by
giving
>itself the freedom to operate free of any moral code and without any rules,
except
>those that maximise commercial profit.
>
>As has happened down the generations, the wilful dreams and "predictions"
of those
>who hate the idea of a strong and cohesive ANC that unites the nation, and
which is
>consciously supported by the masses of our people, will turn on the
dreamers and
>soothsayers as a haunting nightmare.
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>THE ACCRA DECLARATION
>
>The Assembly of the Union, meeting at its 9th Ordinary Session in Accra,
Ghana, from
>1 to 3 July 2007:
>
>RECALLING our decision Assembly/AU/Dec, 156 (VIII) adopted in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia
>in January 2007 on the need for a "Grand Debate on the Union Government"
with a view
>to providing a clear vision of the future of the African Union and of
African unity.
>
>CONVINCED that the ultimate objective of the African Union is the United
States of
>Africa with a Union Government as envisaged by the founding fathers of the
>Organisation of African Unity and, in particular, the visionary leader, Dr
Kwame
>Nkrumah of Ghana;
>
>ALSO CONVINCED of the need for common responses to the major challenges of
>globalisation facing Africa and boosting regional integration processes
through an
>effective continental mechanism;
>
>RECOGNISING that opening up narrow domestic markets to greater trade and
investment
>through freer movement of persons, goods, services and capital would
accelerate
>growth thus, reducing excessive weaknesses of many of our Member of States;
>
>FURTHER RECOGNISING that the Union Government should be built on common
values that
>need to be identified and agreed upon as benchmarks; Acknowledging the
importance of
>involving the African peoples in order to ensure that the African Union is
a Union of
>peoples and not just a "Union of states and governments," as well as the
African
>Diaspora in the processes of economic and political integration of our
continent;
>
>HEREBY DECLARE AS FOLLOWS:
>
>1. We agree to accelerate the economic and political integration of the
African
>continent, including the formation of a Union government for Africa with
the ultimate
>objective of creating the United States of Africa.
>
>2. We agree on the following steps to attaining the Union Government:
>
>a) to rationalise and strengthen the Regional Economic Communities, and
harmonise
>their activities, in conformity with our earlier decision, so as to lead to
the
>creation of an African Common Market, through the stages set in the Treaty
>Establishing the African Economic Community (Abuja Treaty), with a reviewed
and
>shorter timeframe to be agreed upon in order to accelerate the economic
and, where
>possible, political integration;
>
>b) to conduct immediately, an Audit of the Executive Council in terms of
Article 10
>of the Constitutive Act, the Commission as well as the other organs of the
African
>Union in accordance with the Terms of Reference adopted by the 10th
Extraordinary
>Session of our Executive Council held in Zimbali, South Africa on 10 May
2007;
>
>c) to establish a ministerial Committee to examine the following:
>
>i) identification of the contents of the Union Government concept and its
relations
>with national governments;
>ii) identification of domains of competence and the impact of the
establishment of
>the Union Government on the sovereignty of member states;
>iii) idefinition of the relationship between the Union Government and the
Regional
>Economic Communities (RECs),
>iv) elaboration of the road map together with timeframes for establishing
the Union
>Government; and
>v) identification of additional sources of financing the activities of the
Union.
>
>3. The outcome of the audit and the work of the Ministerial Committee will
be
>submitted to the Executive Council, to make appropriate recommendations to
the next
>ordinary session of our Assembly.
>
>4. We agree on the importance of involving the African Peoples, including
Africans in
>the Diaspora, in the process leading to the formation of the Union
Government.
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>This issue of ANC Today is available from the ANC web site at:
>http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2007/at26.htm
>
>To receive ANC Today free of charge by e-mail each week go to:
>http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/subscribe.html
>
>To unsubscribe yourself from the ANC Today mailing list go to:
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>
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>http://lists.anc.org.za/mailman/listinfo/anctoday

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