---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Thu, 15 Jan 2004 00:05:03 -0800
From: Charlotte Utting <[log in to unmask]>
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To: [log in to unmask]
Subject: [WASAN] FW: Africa Policy Outlook 2004/New Website



----------
From: "Salih Booker" <[log in to unmask]>
Reply-To: [log in to unmask]
Date: Wed, 14 Jan 2004 10:55:22 -0500
To: [log in to unmask]
Subject: Africa Policy Outlook 2004/New Website

Dear Africa Action E-journal Subscriber,

Below is this morning's press release on our just released "Africa Policy
Outlook
2004", and announcing the launch of our new website!!  We ask that each of
you visit
the new site at www.africaaction.org and give us your reactions in the
'contact
us/feedback' section of the site.

We are enormously grateful to Ann-Louise Colgan, our Assistant Director for
Policy
Analysis and Communications, for both of these enormous accomplishments as
she
was the hard-working project manager for the website redesign and
reconstruction,
and the principal author of the 2004 Policy Outlook.

The full "Afirca Policy Outlook 2004" is included in this posting following
the press
release, and it is also available in pdf and easy-to-print formats on our
website.

This posting is the first E-Journal of the new year from Africa Action. We
are still
discussing what type of E-Journal we intend to produce on a regular basis to
replace
the former Africa Policy E-Journal that was discontinued last year.  Stay
tuned.

Yours in struggle for peace and justice,

Salih Booker, executive director, Africa Action

********

Africa Action Releases “Africa Policy Outlook 2004", Launches New Website

January 14, 2004

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Ann-Louise Colgan (202) 546-7961

Wednesday, January 14, 2004 (Washington, DC) – Ahead of next week’s State of
the Union address, Africa Action today released its Africa Policy Outlook
for the
coming year, published by Foreign Policy in Focus and Africa Action. This
annual
publication identifies the key trends that will drive U.S. relations with
Africa in the year
ahead, and predicts the priorities likely to emerge in the policies of the
Bush
Administration.

Also today, Africa Action launched its new website at
http://www.africaaction.org. The
launch of the new site sees the addition of major new features and new
original
content on U.S. Africa policy and on the Africa’s Right to Health Campaign.
It follows
a three-month period of re-design and re-organization.

Africa Action’s “Africa Policy Outlook 2004" contends: “In 2004... U.S.
Africa policy
will continue to be characterized by a duplicity that has emerged as the
principal
hallmark of the Bush Administration approach to the continent. On the one
hand,
Africa’s priorities are being marginalized and undermined by a U.S. foreign
policy
preoccupied with other parts of the world. On the other hand, the Bush White
House
is callously manipulating Africa, claiming to champion the continent’s needs
with its
compassionate conservative agenda.”

Africa Action’s Executive Director, Salih Booker, said today: “In 2004,
despite the fact
that two African Americans occupy both of the major foreign policy posts in
the U.S.
government, Washington will not give Africa the attention it deserves and
requires.”
He continued, “While the HIV/AIDS crisis remains the most urgent global
threat, the
current orientation of the Bush Administration indicates that little
progress will be
made here in 2004, absent an increase in AIDS activism concurrent with the
Presidential campaign.”

The full text of the Africa Policy Outlook 2004 is available on the new
Africa Action
website, at http://www.africaaction.org.

The new website features resources and policy analysis on a range of key
issues
and key countries; Activist Tools on Africa’s HIV/AIDS crisis; and a
Newsroom with
Africa Action’s latest media activities and archived press releases &
reports.

The new Africa Action website also features an E-Activist Center with
options for
electronic advocacy on U.S. Africa policy. Africa Action is working with
activists
across the country to put pressure on President Bush to keep the promise
made in
last year’s State of the Union address to give $15 billion to fight HIV/AIDS
in Africa
and the Caribbean. A set of talking points on Bush’s AIDS policies, entitled
“Broken
Promises and Betrayals,” is available on the new website at
http://www.africaaction.org.

####

Africa Policy Outlook 2004

By Salih Booker & Ann-Louise Colgan*

In 2004, despite the fact that two African Americans occupy both of the
major foreign
policy posts in the U.S. government, Washington will not give Africa the
attention it
deserves and requires. The U.S.’ Africa policy will continue to be
characterized by a
duplicity that has emerged as the principal hallmark of the Bush
Administration
approach to the continent. On the one hand, Africa’s priorities are being
marginalized
and undermined by a U.S. foreign policy preoccupied with other parts of the
world.
On the other hand, the Bush White House is callously manipulating Africa,
claiming
to champion the continent’s needs with its compassionate conservative
agenda.

In the past year, the Bush Administration’s foreign policy priorities have
negatively
impacted upon Africa, both directly and indirectly. The U.S. preoccupation
with the
“war on terrorism”, alleged weapons of mass destruction, and Washington’s
military
misadventure in Iraq, has hurt Africa directly in economic and political
terms. The
White House has also turned Africa into geo-strategic real estate, defining
the
continent’s value in terms of oil and access to military bases, and
describing U.S.-
Africa relations once more in a Cold War era model.

More broadly, to the extent that U.S. actions undermine the very notion of
multilateralism, they are directly at odds with Africa’s interests. Africa’s
priorities – the
fight against HIV/AIDS and poverty – are being ignored, as U.S.
unilateralism
threatens the principle of international cooperation.

At the same time, in the past year, the Bush Administration has sought to
place
Africa at the center of its compassionate conservative agenda. Starting with
the 2003
State of the Union promise on AIDS, and continuing with the President’s
first trip to
Africa in July, this Administration has misled the people of the U.S., and
the people of
Africa. It claims to be taking action on African priorities, while in
reality it is
demonstrating the most negative leadership, masking broken promises and
harmful
policies with high-sounding rhetoric.

Even the few new initiatives announced by the President, on foreign aid and
HIV/AIDS, are not only under-funded, they are fundamentally flawed in their
approach. The Bush Administration prefers to take a selective approach to
Africa
policy, choosing a few African countries as eligible for such initiatives,
and thereby
rewarding those whom the U.S. unilaterally deems “worthy”. This strategy
risks
neglecting those countries at most need of assistance. Moreover, it blocks
the
emergence of a more comprehensive and coherent response to Africa’s
challenges
that are rooted in specific regional realities. Such an approach is
essential to
addressing crises such as HIV/AIDS and poverty.

These trends will continue to drive U.S. relations with Africa in the year
ahead. They
will shape both the priorities that emerge in the policies of the Bush
Administration,
and the challenges faced by Africa’s people, and by Africa advocates in this
country.
In this election year, it is clear that foreign policy will be a major issue
in the public
eye. It remains to be seen to what extent U.S. relations with Africa will
feature in the
debate, and whether a new approach to today’s global challenges can emerge.

HIV/AIDS

The HIV/AIDS pandemic remains the greatest challenge facing Africa, and the
greatest global threat to human security of our time. However, despite this
reality,
and despite the lip service of the Bush Administration, the lack of U.S.
leadership on
this crisis is set to persist in 2004.

January sees the anniversary of the $15 billion promise made by President
Bush in
last year’s State of the Union to fight HIV/AIDS in Africa & the Caribbean.
This
initiative was already undermined by the President’s own budget request for
2004 –
only $450 million instead of the $3 billion promised. Though Congress
ultimately
appropriated more than the President’s request, the Bush Administration’s
betrayals
on HIV/AIDS policy are likely to continue in 2004.

The President’s budget request for U.S. funding for HIV/AIDS in Africa for
2005
should include at least the $3 billion he promised per year in January 2003
under the
“President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief”, plus the amount outstanding
for the
current year. Such an amount would represent the U.S. fair share
contribution toward
the total funding needed in Africa, and would fulfill the President’s own
commitment.
This is unlikely to materialize, however. Almost immediately after the
promise was
made in January 2003 to provide $15 billion in AIDS funding over 5 years to
Africa
and the Caribbean, the White House broke this promise and made it a global
initiative. This marginalization of Africa will continue in 2004 with less
than the $3
billion a year promised being stretched to cover more than programs in
Africa.

2004 also sees the launch of the new U.S. Global AIDS Initiative, the new
bureaucracy created by the President’s plan. This initiative, to be headed
by former
pharmaceutical executive Randall Tobias, will compete with, and may
duplicate, the
efforts of other much more important vehicles such as the Global Fund to
fight AIDS.
It is likely to pose a challenge in its approach, favoring prevention over
treatment,
and its close ties with the pharmaceutical industry raise serious questions
about its
commitment to ensuring low cost access to treatment for HIV/AIDS programs in
Africa. Although President Bush has acknowledged that antiretroviral drugs
are
necessary, U.S. policies continue to block African countries’ efforts to
acquire such
drugs at the lowest cost for their people.

The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, now almost three
years
old, still faces huge financial challenges, due in large part to the
inadequate support
of the Bush Administration. The U.S. has promised only $200 million per year
over
the next five years – this is less than one-tenth of what would represent
the U.S.’ fair
share. The Global Fund hopes to announce its 4th round of grants in the
summer of
2004, though its ability to fund effective HIV/AIDS programs in Africa and
other poor
regions will depend on its financial stability. The Global Fund has the
potential to
increase access to treatment in Africa tenfold in the next several years.
But the U.S.
prefers to undermine this crucial vehicle, creating a duplicative
bureaucracy of its
own to protect its unilateral bias.

In 2004, the broken promises of the Bush Administration on AIDS will likely
continue.
Meanwhile, shocking new statistics on the impact of HIV/AIDS in Africa and
globally
reveal how completely inadequate the response is. Popular pressure in this
country
succeeded in forcing President Bush and Congress to do more on HIV/AIDS in
2003.
This pressure will increase in 2004, particularly if the Bush White House
attempts to
further backtrack on the commitments it has made to fund efforts to fight
this crisis.

The Bush Administration has already signaled its opposition to the “3 by 5”
plan of
the World Health Organization (WHO). The WHO’s groundbreaking initiation to
increase HIV/AIDS treatment for those requiring it was announced on World
AIDS
Day, December 1st, 2003. It seeks to provide medicines to (and save the
lives of) 3
million people living with HIV/AIDS who are not currently on treatment by
2005.
Central to this effort will be the distribution of drugs that provide a
cheaper and easier
to use combination of three anti-retroviral drugs in one pill, called fixed
dose
combinations. So far, Washington has refused to support this approach.

Human Development

Africa faces huge human development challenges, but the U.S. remains
unwilling to
make a real commitment to support African efforts in this area. African
countries are
striving to meet the Millennium Development Goals – seeking to reduce hunger
and
poverty, and promote health and education, in order to achieve the
benchmarks set
by the United Nations in 2000. But the U.S.’ failure to provide adequate
levels of
development assistance undermines the ability of African countries to meet
these
goals and to achieve a better life for future generations.

In 2004, the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) will be launched. This U.S.
initiative, run by the newly created Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC),
is
intended to increase U.S. foreign aid over the next three years, so that by
2006 an
annual doubling of current levels will be achieved. In 2004, $1 billion has
been
appropriated for the MCA, which is slightly less than what the President
requested.
Overall, however, this initiative still proposes a far smaller increase in
assistance
than the U.S. can and should provide. The U.S. currently ranks at the bottom
of all
donor countries, with only 0.1% of GNP, or just over $10 billion, going to
foreign aid
worldwide (roughly half or $5 billion for just the 2 countries of Israel and
Egypt). Only
1/100th of 1% of the U.S. budget ($1 billion) is spent on aid to sub-Saharan
Africa. In
this context, when the U.S. is the wealthiest country in human history, the
MCA
increase can only be seen as relatively meager.

Moreover, aid through the MCA will be dealt out in a highly selective
manner. Only a
handful of countries meeting certain economic and political criteria,
defined by
Washington, will be eligible to receive aid through the MCA, and only three
of these
are projected to be in Africa (Uganda, Ghana and Senegal). The eligibility
criteria
dictated by the U.S. create relationships with poor countries reminiscent of
old-style
imperialism. They also create competition among poor countries for a portion
of the
relatively meager MCA funds. This selective approach to development
assistance
risks punishing those countries whose people are the worst off and in
greatest need
of international support.

The United Nations continues to emphasize that African countries will be
unable to
meet the Millennium Development Goals without a significant increase in
assistance
from rich countries. In June 2004, the G-8 group of leaders from the world’s
wealthiest countries will hold its annual meeting here in the U.S. At the
top of the
agenda should be a renewed commitment to support Africa’s efforts to fight
HIV/AIDS and poverty. But this is unlikely. Instead, the G-8 meeting will
focus on the
priorities of the G-8 countries – military security and economic growth –
emphasizing
the huge inequalities in access to wealth and power in the world today, and
the
continued neglect of the global majority by the rich elites that constitute
the ruling
minority in this system of global apartheid.

Economic Relations

Total trade between the U.S. and sub-Saharan Africa dropped considerably in
2002
(the year for which the most recent figures are available), with a decline
in both
imports and exports. Two-way trade amounted to about $24 billion, or 15%
less than
the previous year. While the 2003 figures are not yet available, it is clear
that Africa
has been negatively impacted by the worldwide economic downturn, as well as
by
the war in Iraq, and the continent’s economic prospects will remain unstable
in 2004.

By 2003, 38 African countries had been declared eligible for the African
Growth and
Opportunity Act (AGOA), though only slightly more than half of these had
exported
goods under the program by mid-2002. In fact, AGOA benefits are highly
concentrated in a few countries and in the petroleum and mining sector, and
U.S.
imports from AGOA have been predominantly energy-related products. This
trend
will only increase now that Angola has been added to the eligible countries
list at the
end of 2003. While the Bush Administration continues to promote AGOA as the
engine of Africa’s economic growth, this is increasingly contradicted by the
reality of
the U.S. - Africa trade profile.

The U.S.-Africa Economic Cooperation Forum, required under the AGOA
legislation,
was held twice in 2003 – once in January in Mauritius, after the 2002 Forum
there
had been postponed, and once again in December in Washington, DC. In 2003
also,
the U.S. began negotiations on a free trade agreement with the Southern
African
Custom Union (SACU). These negotiations will continue in 2004. Despite such
high-
level consultations and new trade arrangements, the current framework of
U.S.
economic relations with Africa has brought little benefit to a few
countries, and has
failed to promote sustainable economic growth. Restrictions on African
access to
U.S. markets, and agricultural subsidies to U.S. agribusinesses, continue to
undermine Africa’s competitiveness and constrict the continent’s
trade-related
development.

Meanwhile, African countries continue to struggle under the crippling burden
of some
$300 billion of unpayable and illegitimate debt. In 2004, the World Bank and
IMF will
mark their 60th anniversary, yet no new initiative on debt cancellation is
likely, and no
major reform of these institutions is planned. The U.S. is the single
largest
shareholder in both the World Bank and IMF, to whom most of Africa’s debts
are
owed, and it could use its power to support the call for debt cancellation
for Africa.
This is a matter of justice, but also a matter of common sense. At the
moment, most
African countries are required to spend more on debt service to these
institutions
each year than they can spend on the fight against poverty and HIV/AIDS. As
major
mobilizations and protests are planned around the World Bank IMF anniversary
this
year, the pressure on the Bush Administration to support debt cancellation
for Africa
will be greater than ever. This is particularly true in light of the White
House’s
exceptional efforts to gain the cancellation of Iraq’s foreign debts of some
$120
billion.

War, Peace & Human Rights

In 2003, the crisis in Liberia provided a clear metaphor for official U.S.
disdain for
Africa. Despite unique historic ties and important national interests,
President Bush
stalled on this crisis during his visit to Africa, and was ultimately
unwilling to make a
commitment to stabilizing Liberia and supporting its people. In 2004, as
Liberia
struggles to find its feet, and as West African countries attempt to
counteract
insecurity in the broader region, the U.S. can play a crucial role; though a
real
commitment appears unlikely. Congress did succeed in appropriating $200
million for
Liberia in a supplemental for 2004. But what is needed most from the U.S. is
the
political will to vigorously support West African efforts to stabilize that
country and the
larger West Africa region.

Elsewhere in Africa in 2003, the U.S. played a minor role in supporting some
of the
peace-making initiatives of African leaders, including in Sudan. But in
negotiations in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and elsewhere, the U.S. was
largely
invisible. The Bush Administration remains unwilling to make a commitment to
provide sustained diplomatic and financial support to African efforts to
promote
peace and security. In 2004, this “hands off” approach of U.S. policy is
likely to
continue. African-led initiatives to address the continent’s conflicts are
making
important progress below the radar. U.S. support could do much to bolster
these
crucial efforts.

In 2003, the elections in Nigeria offered a metaphor for the state of
democracy
across much of the African continent. While the election was important and
in some
measure successful – marking the first democratic transfer of power in
Nigeria’s
history – the practice of democracy was far from perfect. Here, as
everywhere,
democracy is still a work in progress. Nigeria still faces serious
challenges to its
political stability in the form of an economic crisis and internal divisions
that threaten
the country’s future.

In Zimbabwe, the political and economic turmoil continued in 2003, as the
Mugabe
government came under increasing pressure from the international community.
With
Zimbabwe’s withdrawal from the Commonwealth in December 2003, amidst
continuing state violence against government opponents, it seemed clear that
the
country’s crisis would continue into 2004, and that the people of Zimbabwe
would
continue to suffer as a result. The U.S. and the European Union have imposed
sanctions on the Mugabe regime, but have failed to develop a strategy to
address
the roots of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis, and to foster a
democratic
solution. African states, with South Africa foremost among them, have
similarly failed
to create momentum for a peaceful solution.

In 2003, at a summit of the Heads of State of the African Union, African
leaders
adopted the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on
the
Rights of Women in Africa. The adoption of this new instrument strengthened
the
main African human rights charter with provisions on women's rights. It was
a
significant development, reflecting the growing commitment to address the
discrimination and human rights violations suffered by women in Africa, and
elsewhere.

African women continue to suffer human rights abuses in many parts of the
continent, and in 2003 there were increasing reports of rape being used as a
weapon
of war in conflicts in Africa and other parts of the world. In 2004, it is
hoped that the
new Protocol on women’s rights in Africa will be ratified quickly by African
states. For
its part, the U.S. has yet to ratify the Convention to Eliminate All Forms
of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This is a step the U.S. should take
immediately to show its support for women’s rights and gender equality.

Oil & Strategic Military Relations

Under the Bush Administration, the real priorities in U.S. Africa policy are
oil and
strategic military relations, and this will continue to be the case in 2004.
The Bush
Administration will continue to deal with Africa on its own terms, and its
policies will
be driven by its interests in these areas in the context of the “war on
terrorism”.

In recent years, the U.S. has become increasingly interested in African oil
resources
as an alternative to the Middle East, and the U.S. now defines African oil
as a
strategic national interest. The U.S. preoccupation with “energy security”
makes
certain African countries – like Nigeria, Angola and Gabon – important
sources of oil.
At present, sub-Saharan Africa supplies almost one-fifth of U.S. oil
imports. The
National Intelligence Council projects that U.S. oil supplies from West
Africa will
increase to 25% by 2015. This would surpass U.S. oil imports from the entire
Persian
Gulf. Studies indicate that the greatest increase in oil production globally
in the next
decade is likely to come from West Africa, and the U.S. is following this
trend closely.
In 2004, U.S. policies will continue to further its plans to secure access
to this oil
supply.

Increased U.S. interest in projecting military force into the Persian Gulf
has led to a
massive increase in the U.S. military presence in the Horn of Africa, and
elsewhere.
The Bush Administration is concerned with the counter-terrorism efforts of
African
countries, to the extent that they provide security for U.S. interests. In
June 2003,
Bush announced a new $100 million initiative to help East African countries
increase
their counter-terrorism efforts. In 2004, U.S. pre-occupation with security
in Africa is
sure to continue. While it remains uncertain whether or not the U.S. will
establish a
military base on the island of Sao Tome & Principe, as was rumored last
year, it is
certain that U.S. relations with Africa will become increasingly
militarized, with a
focus on energy security and terrorism concerns.

The trend that has become apparent since 2001, with these two agendas – oil
security and counter-terrorism – forming the backbone of U.S. Africa policy
under the
Bush Administration, will be further reinforced in 2004.

Conclusion

While the HIV/AIDS crisis remains the most urgent global threat, the current
orientation of the Bush Administration indicates that little progress will
be made here
in 2004. As the U.S. presidential election looms at the end of the year, it
remains to
be seen whether an alternative candidate can successfully articulate a
different
vision of U.S. global leadership, more responsive to international
challenges. Under
the current Administration, U.S. Africa policy is unlikely to address these
most
pressing African and global priorities.

* Salih Booker is Executive Director, and Ann-Louise Colgan is Assistant
Director for
Policy Analysis & Communications, at Africa Action
(http://www.africaaction.org)

************
Salih Booker, Executive Director, Africa Action
1634 Eye Street, NW, Suite 810, Washington, DC 20006
*Tel: 202-546-7961 * Fax: 202-546-1545
* website: http://www.africaaction.org/




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