CHALLENGE AGAINST DECREE NO. 4

Two decisive periods are logged in our calendar as a party in 1994.

The first was 22 July 1994. Once it became clear that a coup d'etat had
occurred  and that a declaration had been made that political parties were
banned, our Central committee met to review the new situation.

The agenda was to formulate a policy on the coup. A consensus was reached
that a coup d'etat is marked by a change of leaders not a change of system+ADs-
that in a coup those who take over power come without a programme and a
usually mobilise a group of people just to come together to run a country
without agreeing on a common programme+ADs-  that generally personalities are
drawn from different sectors of society and asked to perform the task of
running a country+ADs- that usually such governments depend entirely on the
decision making power of those who take over power who can remove or retain
a minister in office.

It was acknowleged that the PDOIS policy of a PDOIS member not participating
in a cabinet where people with other programmes different from ours
constitute the majority should apply in this case. We agreed in common that
no PDOIS member should participate in any government that emerges out of a
coup or where advocates of PDOIS' programme do not constitute the majority
even if the government is elected.

Secondly, it was argued that the principles we stood for have been distorted
a great deal and propaganda had led many people to believe that such
principles could never gain the upper hand through popular consent+ADs- that it
was necessary for us to safeguard the principle of popular consent in coming
to assume responsibility for the nation.

Thirdly, we also anticipated that when a coup occurs political parties are
generally banned. We reflected on the issue of accepting or rejecting the
ban on political parties. We argued that even though Jawara's regime may be
overthrown the sovereignty of the Gambian people remained+ADs- that our right as
a sovereign people should not be allowed to be abrogated.

We, therefore, resolved that the only appropriate thing to do was to
continue to maintain our existence+ADs- that instead we should work out a
transition agenda if the coup happened to be successful which would allow
room for popular participation and dialogue in determining the way forward
for the country+ADs- that that would require setting aside our party agenda and
develop a national transition agenda.

We agreed that we should continue to monitor the process in order to know
the military situation. We resolved that if there was resistance we should
take the role of establishing an agenda for crisis management and resolution
just as we have proposed for other countries+ADs- that if the coup became
successful, we should work out an agenda for a national conference to
prepare a way forward for the country.

We concluded by giving responsibility to people to proceed to work with
other party members so that we monitor the military situation. This was how
matters stood on 22 July 1994.

On 23 July 1994, we converged again after people had gone about to study the
situation at the military barracks and so on and so forth. We concluded that
Jawara had been overthrown and that a group of soldiers had effectively
taken over  the country.

It was decided that we should put our resolutions in the form of a letter
address to the soldiers and copied to the nation so that our position would
be abundantly clear. This letter was drafted on 23 July, discussed, printed
overnight and distributed on 24 July 1994 both to the coup makers as a
letter and to the general public as a FOROYAA supplement. The supplement is
lodged with the National Library and all the other institutions that are
required to be served by law.

Anybody who reads the letter, which we have already dispatched, would see
that it is a mere summation of the resolution of our Central Committee which
had the strategic objective of stating for all times that we will abide by
these five principles which safeguard the principles of popular consent in
governance:

+ACI-First and foremost, we are committed never to take power at the back of the
people.

+ACI-Secondly, we are committed never to participate in a government that is
taken without the participation  of the people.

+ACI-Thirdly, we are committed never to participate in a government that is not
serving the interest of the people.

+ACI-Fourthly, we prefer to resign instead of using force against a people to
retain a manner of government that is no longer wanted.

+ACI-Fifthly, we prefer to resign instead of using force against a people who
are dissatisfied with the economic policies of our government.+ACI-

If we ever violate any of these principles, we can justiably be called 'turn
coats'.

Secondly, we called for the preservation of all political parties and civic
organisations, as well as the safeguarding of all fundamental rights and
freedoms. Thirdly, we called for national dialogue as a way forward to the
restoration of constitutionality and democratic governance. Fourthly, we
anticipated the possibility of soldiers blaming the people for leaving
Jawara there and legitimise any suppression of criticism.  We, therefore,
introduced the principle of association as a quick tool for political
education by recalling Sankara's words and showing them where power really
lies. We also applied the same principle to ensure restraint by asking the
soldiers to think about what would have happened if they failed and quickly
introduce a code of conduct.

After the 24 July 1994, we continued to struggle for the preservation of
institutions that were associated with justice and defence of rights. For
example, the Council simply suspended the constitution. Our first Communique
pointed out that to suspend a constitution means suspending even the
sovereignty of the country. We analysed the role of  a constitution in
maintaining a governance environment based on law. We also realised the
possibility of the establishment of people's courts and all sorts of
arbitrary institutions which are generally associated with populist changes
which are often called 'people's revolutions'. We proceeded stage by stage
to examine the institutions of the state. Our last communique before Decree
No. 4 was issued dealt with the U.N. Convention on the treat of prisoners
and people under detention. We will publish the content of all these
materials in a history that we will give of the coup. This was how matters
stood in the first period.

To us it did not matter. We made sure that the country was kept on track
rather than sinking into all forms of adventurism by people who held
absolute power. We had the desire to put our opinions across to teach
anybody who could benefit from useful ideas. The Council, however, had
become euphoric because of the popular appeal and the number of technocrats
who have decided to join their ranks. Instead of dialogue, it moved on to
impose its will through Decree No. 4.


THE SECOND PERIOD

The second period came after Decree No. 4 was promulgated. The AFPRC had
banned political association with Decree No. 1 but had not introduced
penalties. Decree No. 4 was designed to restrict all political thought and
activities by imposing penalties. When it was issued, those who did not know
its content felt that it was directed at the FOROYAA Newspaper alone, but in
reality it was meant to silence those who were engaged in political
activities irrespective of their affiliation or thought. This was made
abundantly clear by the prosecutor during our trial.

Our central committee met to discuss Decree No. 4. We resolved that this was
deliberately promulgated to tell us that our continued operation would not
be tolerated. We, therefore, asked all central committee members to think
deeply so that we can come to a decision that we could implement.

Two options lay before us - to cower before Decree No. 4 and help to mystify
the AFPRC or challenge Decree No. 4 with all our might and demystify the
AFPRC. We agreed that anything was possible. We, therefore, decided to
divide all our forces and give responsibilities to different people. It was
agreed that we would publish our will and testament so that whatever
happened it would always be there to testify what led us to do what we did.

Two people were assigned the responsibility to be the custodians of FOROYAA
and PDOIS. These were strategic decisions and it was inspiring to see how
readily people volunteered to carry on such a responsibility. What would
happen if those people were imprisoned or killed was discussed. They gave
messages in cassettes and were distributed amass before they actually took
the role of distributing FOROYAA to the general public.

Contemplating arrest, all the distributors of FOROYAA were stopped and only
Sidia Jatta and Halifa Sallah distributed FOROYAA in August 1994. The object
of the distribution was to demystify the AFPRC. We knew that we could not
mobilise the masses to defend political rights, but we could offer ourselves
in a symbolic defence of those rights and, therefore, make them treasured
nationally and internationally.

We started the distribution in Banjul, then in Serrekunda and Brikama. The
following day we were to head towards Basse and would have done so if our
arrest did not take place.

Before proceeding to publish the content of what we were distributing, it is
important to mention that among the people we met at the Commissioner's
Ofice in Brikama was Lamin Waa Juwara who bought a copy just like his other
colleagues and then said that: 'It is true that when things are turbulent,
the elders take the lead while the young ones remain behind'. He saluted our
action for distributing FOROYAA because of the dangerous implications, and I
must add here without any desire to sound petty that one Mr Malick Foon who
was there at the Commissioner's yard once exclaimed with disgust when Juwara
tried to question our integrity during the coup that after reading what we
wrote he decided to put it under his shirt when he was leaving the precincts
of the commissioner's yard. Anybody who doubts this would be able to
question the person who said this. We are quoting names directly so that the
evidence will be clear.

Let us now go to the content of what we wrote and distributed for Saul to
see whether we were the type of people who stooped to be conquered.

Before doing so, let me tell Saul that I was not oblivious to what could
happen. The only thing I have not tasted yet is death. In 1983, myself, Sam
Sarr and others were arrested.  I was detained by Jawara's regime at the
Maximum Security where people sentenced were kept and in a cell meant for
convicted prisoners who were under punishment even though I had not even
been tried. It was a 6 x 3 cell, three to four metres from an open toilet
with a baby's chamber pot, locked twenty three and a half hours a day. We
were allowed out only to fill our water bottles and empty our chamber pots,
and in these cells there were no mosquito guaze and our flesh became food
for mosquitoes,  moths and the wooden plank on which we lay. This is where
the late Hatab Bojang was also kept. We were fed with 'chereh', pap invaded
by rocks and chaff, and when we came out I had my passport seized from 1983
to 1992.

I was, therefore, not oblivious to what could happen and as a  result of the
Indemnity Act enacted by the Jawara's regime, some of our colleagues lost 13
years of service without being paid.

Needless to say, we have never utilised all these facts as political tool
during the Jawara regime. We saw it as a price to be paid to be of service
to a people. Hence, when we took on the AFPRC regime, we were fully
conscious of everything that could happen. That is why we wrote that we did
not need anybody's sympathy including your own. Hence, when you were signing
a protest note against Jammeh for our arrest, as you have said, you were
doing so not because we wanted your sympathy or support, but as your duty.
Let me now proceed to the contents of the articles we distributed which led
to our arrest.

The first article is entitled:

+ACI-A CALL FOR JUSTICE AND DEMOCRACY

+ACI-Events of tremendous historical significance are taking place in The
Gambia. History, that great recorder of events, is taking notes. Since you
are the main actors on the historical stage at this very moment, it is
important to guide your actions so that you can enlist the love and
confidence of your people.

+ACI-Your takeover of the country on 22 July, 1994 did give rise to remarkable
change in the political landscape of the country. The change is welcomed by
many even though with some scepticism and opposed by a few. However, what
the change is to bring is a matter of concern to all.

+ACI-As children of independence, we had assumed that those of you who have
taken over power know what independence means+ADs- that it calls for a free and
indomitable people who are commanders of their own destiny.

+ACI-Colonialism meant domination by a Governor whose orders had to be obeyed,
be they right or wrong. To call for change amounted to subversion or
treason. Gambians had no avenue to change the system except by defiance. It
is such defiance which finally gave birth to an independent existence. With
independence and republican existence, sovereignty resided with the people.
They were to exercise their rights as commanders of their destiny through
periodic elections. The people were not only to criticise the shortcomings
of their representatives, they were also to be empowered to change
governments.

+ACI-Of course, we have been the bitterest critics of the PPP+IBk-s unwillingness
and incapacity to enlighten the people+ADs- its policies of mystification and
patronages, the lack of  an Independent Electoral Commission as well as its
crude system of registering voters. You have also criticised the lack of
broadening of democracy under the PPP regime when you took over. You
promised to establish an Independent Electoral Commission and hand over the
country to a  democratically elected government. This won you tremendous
respect. It made people to assume that you were not interested in
consolidating a regime that is not derived from the consent of the led.

+ACI-The assumptions were, however, shortlived when decrees started appearing
which abolished the existence of political parties, political activities and
the dissemination of political ideas. This struck the readers of FOROYAA
like a thunderbolt from the blue. People began to wonder what your motives
are. In short, you promised to promote democracy. Democracy, however, is
inconceivable without the right of the people to change their manner of
government.

+ACI-Now, may we ask: If people are dissatisfied with your manner of government,
how will they bring about change? You have not provided any democratic
avenue for people. Have you forgotten Sankara+IBk-s words that a soldier without
political education is a virtual criminal? Such a soldier believes in
nothing but the power of the gun. Such a soldier becomes a sadist who enjoys
seeing people behave like toys under his command. Such a soldier enjoys
inflicting pain just  to trample dignified human beings under foot.

+ACI-Of course, we do understand the nature of the army under the Jawara regime.
We have always been in close touch with your realities. We know there was no
freedom or democracy in the army. There was arbitrary arrest and detention.
Soldiers could easily be marched, put into cells or punished by superiors.
One had to obey and complain. Salaries were poor and the conditions of
service were horrible. We know how some of you could not look after your
wives and children thus causing conflicts and divorce. FOROYAA was close by
when you were subjected to humiliation and deprivation after you came from
Liberia. FOROYAA was with you and the whole nation was with you. When you
won concessions and started to move in a transport, the people cheered. The
Gambian people are a just people. They hate injustice and do not hesitate to
give solidarity to the just.

+ACI-Of course, social being determines social consciousness. The conditions in
the barracks do breed an +IBg-obey and complain+IBk- consciousness. Hence, when
that consciousness is transferred to the running of society, all citizens
have to be drilled like soldiers in the barracks under the Jawara regime.

+ACI-In a society led by PDOIS, such a consciousness will disappear. The task of
defending the country shall be the responsibility of all able bodied
citizens. Soldiers and security officers shall be given training in any area
of civil life they would want to pursue while not in active service. Those
who aim to be professionals would be given the same incomes as any engineer
who knows his or her job. With the establishment of principles requiring
soldiers not to be subjected to any arbitrary arrest or punishment by senior
officers, as well as improvement of living conditions in army quarters to
ensure decent living, frustration will be wiped out. With the reduction of
the salaries of the President and ministers to that of engineers and other
professionals, the need to carry out coup d+IBk-etat to enjoy privileges would
be eradicated. A people+IBk-s liberation army would be born. The heart beat of
such soldiers will beat in unison with the heart beats of their people. A
peaceful, democratic and prosperous society which knows no fear or injustice
shall be born. This is the aim of PDOIS.

+ACI-At the moment, history calls on you to commit no atrocities, violate no
fundamental rights and freedoms, create no climate of fear, suppress no
freedoms of thought, allow free flow of ideas, ensure accountability and set
the country on the trail of democratic existence by calling a national
conference to determine how and when elections are to take place. This is
the only way you can be absolved by history, the greatest judge of events.

+ACI-To conclude, let us now recall what the present Attorney General, Mr Fafa
E. Mbye, wrote about the PPP in 1982 in his book entitled THE +IBw-PPP AS AN
INSTRUMENT OF SOCIAL CHANGE IN THE GAMBIA+IB0-. It reads: +IBw-The Gambia+IBk-s enviable
record of independence, parliamentary democracy and respect for human rights
and the dignity of the human person is the successful achievement of the
President and the men and women of our great country.+IB0- He added that the PPP
has +IBw-made the greatest practical step towards African unity by establishing
the SeneGambian Confederation.....+IB0-

+ACI-Fafa concluded his book with the following words: +IBw-Through the instrument
of the People+IBk-s Progressive Party we have built a hate free, fear free and
greed free Gambia of free men and women and where parliamentary democracy
based on the rule of law and respect for the freedom and dignity of the
individual has found a happy home of peace and stability. The People+IBk-s
Progressive Party is the most effective instrument of social change in The
Gambia.+IB0-

+ACI-This is what your Attorney General said in 1982. On this note, we close our
letter. We hope you too will guard your words and actions for history shall
recall them tomorrow for future generations to ponder.+ACI-


Saul, do you understand the content of this article? If you do, you should
log in your brain. Is this how cowards display comical behaviour under the
command of the gun?

Let us go to the second article entitled:

+ACI-IN DEFENCE OF FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY:
PDOIS+IBk- PRINCIPLED AND JUST STAND

+ACI-A people who are too careless to surrender their nights to be commanders of
their own destiny to persons with flesh and blood like their very selves
will always live like oxen under the yoke of ruthless and paranoic dictators
who create a climate of insecurity in their countries by transforming
friends into enemies and clamp down on honest critics in order to be clad
with a false sense of security. A people who are too cowardly to march into
prisons and graves in defence of their fundamental rights and freedoms
cannot live a free and dignified existence. Liberty and dignity are not
gifts. They are to be earned from the sweat of our brows, regardless of the
peril or the cost.

+ACI-When four lieutenants first constituted themselves into an Armed Forces
Provisional Ruling Council, which has developed to be the law making body of
the country, we advised them if they are to exit from the political stage
with honour, they must not perpetuate or tolerate any violation of
fundamental rights and freedoms and must strive to address more economic
needs than the previous government, as well as to prepare the ground for a
national debate by all Gambians on how the country is to be returned to a
system of government that is determined by the will of the people. We had
assumed that the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council, which approached
the people with democracy written on its banner, would broaden it by
engaging in consultation with all the sectors of society, including
political parties, create a monthly political forum over Radio Gambia so
that representatives of the Council and the parties could discuss issues of
fundamental importance to the nation and further encourage the issuing of
petitions and circulars to help guide the Council in the fulfilment of its
provisional mandate.

+ACI-In this way, the Council would have contributed to the enrichment of the
democratisation process in The Gambia and thus promote our civilised
existence. As it stands, it seems that the Council does not want to make
such a history.

+ACI-In short, Decree No. 4 of the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council
abolished all political activities, newspapers of political parties, books,
pictures, circulars or anything which manifests political thought.

+ACI-Now, Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human and Peoples+IBk- Rights
states categorically: +IBw-Everyone has the right to freedom of thought....+IB0-

+ACI-The Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council asserts: +IBw-No person shall
spread the ideas or ideology of any political party by means of a newspaper
publication or any other media form....+IB0-

+ACI-In short, freedom of political thought has been abolished in gross
violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

+ACI-According to Lt. Jammeh+IBk-s Council, all Gambians must become apolitical.
Politics, however, teaches how a state operates. Even Lt. Jammeh had to be
taught by FOROYAA how to govern when he took over.

+ACI-Democracy is a form of state which requires the participation of the people
in determining representation, or in managing their affairs. Democracy is,
therefore, an aspect of the political life of a people. How then can Lt.
Jammeh uphold democracy and abolish political thought? Needless to say,
political education in a democratic society enables people to understand the
various ways their society could be organised and be led so that they can
best determine who are to represent them. Hence, to abolish political
activity is to abolish the democratic existence of a people.

+ACI-Philosophers have underscored the indispensability of politics since the
emergence of states, in such a way that they have registered in the minds of
people that the human being is a political animal. Lt. Jammeh and his
Council, however, have a new philosophy, that is, Gambians are by decree
apolitical human beings. In this respect, The Gambia takes exit from the
world family of civilised nations and Gambians thus become brutish beings.

+ACI-Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states
categorically +IBw-Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and
association.+IB0- The Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council holds the
contrary. It decreed that +IBw-No person shall in any manner carry on or engage
in any political activities.+IB0- Gambians, therefore, are not even to sit in
vous to discuss politics. Ridiculous indeed, isn+IBk-t it?

+ACI-Article 19 of the Universal Declaration states +IBw-Everyone has the right to
freedom of opinion and expression+ADs- this right includes freedom to hold
opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information
and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.+IB0- The Armed Forces
Provisional Ruling Council prefers to honour this provision with disregard.
Since it is in possession of an instrument of coercion, it orders +IBw-Any
person who prints, publishes, displays, distributes, sells or exposes for
sale, or transmits through the post or who, has in his possession any
placard, newspaper, book, circular, pictorial representation or any other
document or writing whatsoever which is issued or appears to be issued,
after the coming into force of this decree, by or on behalf of, or in the
interest of any political party or its organ  commits an offence.+IB0-

+ACI-Now, where a person decides to exercise his or her fundamental right to
spread the opinions of a political party through a newspaper, he or she is
liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding D5000 (five thousand dalasis)
or to an imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years or both.

+ACI-Where now is the democracy Lt Jammeh promised in words? Decree No. 4 has
dealt a mortal blow to its actual realisation in practice.

+ACI-Search on the face of the earth for any nation in the world where freedom
of thought is abolished and we will show you a carbon copy of Hitler+IBk-s
Germany, or South Africa under its defunct fascist and racist apartheid
regime. It is amazing that in this day and age when the whole world is
surging forth towards a democratic existence with exceptional rapidity, few
members of an Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council, through their control
of the barrel of a gun, have now plunged one million sons and daughters of a
country, which has thrown off the yoke of monarchical despotism some twenty
four years ago, into the conditions prevailing during the defunct epoch of
colonialism.

+ACI-It is difficult to believe that after PDOIS and FOROYAA have conducted
extensive political education to make Gambians a dignified, enlightened and
indomitable people, citizens dare to take the posture of kings, transform
their country into their private property, reduce the people to subjects,
assume the power to decide on question of liberty or captivity, life or
death, reward those who are unthinkingly loyal and label those who prefer to
challenge violations of their freedom of political thought as criminals,
subversives or mischief makers who deserve banishment from society or
imprisonment.

+ACI-Hence, relying on authority derived from the barrel of a gun, mouths of
truth are to be sealed and pens of political scientists are to be broken.
The nation must now listen to the voices of the Armed Forces Provisional
Ruling Council which have nothing new to teach that PDOIS and FOROYAA have
not already taught in a more enlightened and profound way.

+ACI-For years, we waged a battle against politics of mystification by leaders.
The PPP regime left no stone unturned in transforming people into cheerers,
praise singers and drummers instead of raising their consciousness so that
they become better judges of their representatives.

+ACI-From the earlier pronouncements of the AFPRC, one would have thought that
they would join the fight against politics of mystification. Now the AFPRC
has issued a decree banning the promotion of political thought, thus
promoting mental slavery. Despite its puritanical posture against corruption
and parasitism, the Council does not hesitate to engage in lavish ceremonies
at national expenses just to keep their enthusiasm on a high plane because
of the cheers of the crowd, the praise singing and the drumming. They
impound on government vehicles to prevent wastage only to be escorted by
state vehicles to conduct unofficial functions. The petrol could have gone
to fuel ambulances and the vehicles to replace horse cart ambulances.

+ACI-While focusing the minds of the masses on side issues, such as their
walking under the rain during ceremonies to signify simplicity, they did not
hesitate to occupy the state mansions of the former President and Vice
President instead of transforming them into libraries, etc., like PDOIS has
promised to do. They called on those who earned D500 to live within their
means but have not said that they will reduce the salaries of the President,
Vice President and the ministers to the salaries of lieutenants. What is the
differences between those who rely on their top position in the civil
service to build mansions and those who rely on a gun to move from barracks
into executive mansions?

+ACI-We stand for the salary of a President to be proportional to his  or her
performance.

+ACI-The fact of the matter is that the AFPRC is not committed to such humbling
of presidential and ministerial posts. Hence, it should stop pretending to
have all the characteristics of the new incorruptible leadership Africa
needs, to the point of abolishing political thought. It is best to stick to
its provisional mandate as outlined in our Communiques and leave mature
thinkers to contribute to the enlightenment of the nation. Despite all of Mr
Jawara+IBk-s advisers, PDOIS made contributions in enlightening the PPP regime.
The analysis  of the Protocols of the Senegambia Confederation are living
examples.

+ACI-Hence, despite the strivings for innovations, youths whose rastas are being
shaved, as well as the prostitutes who are being persecuted will not get
jobs+ADs- salaries will fall short of the cost of living+ADs- school expenses will
still be beyond the earnings of the poor. The old people who are asked not
to take money from corrupt officials will still be civilised beggars. The
ERP would still regulate people+IBk-s lives. The people and the Jawara regime
benefitted much from PDOIS+IBk- scrutiny. Why does the AFPRC wish to abolish
such a scrutiny?

+ACI-The AFPRC should note that an electrified crowd is a drug. Attendance
during ceremonies does not signify approval of decrees. Jawara was good at
misreading crowds. The validity of decrees should be weighed against sound
principles of government. Your Council claims to make laws for the peace,
order and good government of The Gambia. Has FOROYAA not been contributing
to good governance?  Innovation is necessary to address the material
conditions of The Gambia not the imitation of conditions elsewhere. It is
our hope that the AFPRC will resort to consultation instead of confrontation
by revoking the decree.

+ACI-We certainly cannot behave  like the NCP leader who prefers to go on a
holiday, or the GPP leader who prefers to sit and wait, or the PDP leader
who is frightened by guns, or the PPP leaders who are looking for cosy
corners to hide in these times of difficulty, or the head of the Bar
Association who condones violation of fundamental rights and freedoms.

+ACI-We are dignified Gambians who dare say that no person has yet been born who
can violate our fundamental rights with impunity. We prefer to die as
martyrs in the service of humanity than live as  cowards in the prisons of
our consciences.

+ACI-Of course, some  would wish PDOIS to be crushed and then shed crocodile
tears, condemn what they would call AFPRC+IBk-s reign of terror in order to
justify the restoration of the PPP. To ensure PDOIS+IBk- existence today, Sidia
Jatta and Halifa Sallah are to be the custodians of the party and FOROYAA
who will keep them alive regardless of the peril or the cost.

+ACI-To ensure PDOIS+IBk- survival tomorrow, all other members are to dissociate
themselves from the party until the ban is lifted.

Of course, cowards who do not understand that fines, imprisonment or death
are often the prices for freedom may say that it is futile to challenge
people with guns. In short, might becomes right. This is how nations had
been delivered into captivity over night.

+ACI-To us imprisonment can limit the movement of ambassadors  of truth, but
cannot limit the spread of the ideas. Bullets may kill the ambassadors of
truth, but not the truth itself.

+ACI-Hence, FOROYAA and PDOIS will survive in spite of the imprisonment or death
of its ambassadors. We certainly do not need the counsel or sympathy of
spineless or shortsighted  cowards. We know what our times and circumstances
demand. Difficulties associated with the fulfilment of our historic mission
are welcome. Leadership means standing at the head to confront threats to
fundamental rights and freedoms. It calls for the ability to point out what
and what not to do under complex circumstances to safeguard the interest of
the people.

+ACI-PDOIS constitutes  such an instrument of leadership which will never
abandon the people. The party is now being subjected to the gravest trial it
has ever faced. This demands increased awareness, maturity, courage,
determination and resolution on our part and on the part of all freedom
loving Gambians who are opposed to mental slavery so as to guide our country
to safer shores.

+ACI-We must not be found wanting in performing our duty. We will not be found
wanting in fulfilling our duty to our country and people under these trying
circumstances. This is the time to take a stand. Circulate the photocopied
or written version of the issue or interpret it to those who cannot read.
Use the radio, letters to Lt Jammeh, etc. to show your disapproval of the
decree.+ACI-


Part 3 will deal with our arrest and trial.



Halifa Sallah.

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