Ebrima,
I read your piece to the DC/ALD organizers and I must say that it shows that
you have an excellent understanding of our problems. But beyond that, the
posting also came up with solutions for some of our problems. We hope you
will give the organizers of this event your permission to circulate your
thoughts about the future , after Yaya. We like the middle ground approach
you took with the military issue. Clearly, we need reform in that
institution. But do we want to abolish it altogether? Here I have to deviate
a little with my dear Prince (whom I respect and admire a lot). We think the
military can be trusted in the able leadership of people like Colly. He and
Jatta have on numerous occasions articulated their understanding of the role
of the military vis-a-vis the society at large. We must realize that even
though the Gambia is in no credible threat of outside aggression from
neighboring countries, nevertheless, we want to have protection from
aggression from internal sources. We have to make sure that the Pap
Cheyassin Seckas of this world do not have the ability to entice a few
bandits and hold the country to ransom like they did in 1981. So we agree
with you that a military under the leadership of a commander like Colly who
knows the place of the soldier in society, is not a bad idea. However, this
issue is open to debate and all ideas are welcome. Who knows, Prince might
be able to convince us otherwise. By the way, Prince, I like the commission
you put together the other day. Shows more insight than those clowns back
home. I must say though that your impersonation of Yaya by sacking me was a
bit lacking. When the moron sacks someone, he does not replace them with
better and wiser people. So you would have done a better job if you replaced
me with some of the morons who come here to defend Yaya. I hope that the
people Yaya fire on a daily basis could afford to take their fate with the
same sense of humor I took mine.
Ebrima, we also hope that you or other participants at the seminar will come
up with ideas as to how to get rid of Yaya if we cannot get rid of him
through the ballot box. Elections are not just won or lost during election
day when independent observers are present. Am sure during your work as a
court reporter you might have been exposed to the various alleged elections
irregularities that were the subject of petitions before the Chief Justice.
Everything can look good on the surface on election day. People will freely
(if you disregard armed soldiers at voting stations) go and vote and the
votes would be counted and there would be no apparent irregularities. So
observers (who are always eager to declare elections free and fair in order
to avoid chaos) will give the elections a clean bill of health and
legitimize the government. What those observers might not know or would
oversee would be the subtle means the government used in order to get the
people to vote for them. These means include denying opposition leaders
access to the media (as you pointed out); threatening that there will be no
peace if they lose; stealing money from government coffers to bribe voters.
The list goes on. So we have to have a contingency plan if elections fail.
Again, thank you for an excellent piece and continue the good work. We are
proud of your contributions to the struggle.
KB

>From: ebrima ceesay <[log in to unmask]>
>Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list
><[log in to unmask]>
>To: [log in to unmask]
>Subject: A Note To the DC ALD Conference
>Date: Wed, 24 May 2000 08:13:23 PDT
>
>Latjorr and Colleagues:
>
>A conference on the "Democratic Challenges" facing our Nation in the wake
>of
>the student killings of 10 & 11 April, could not have been organised at a
>more appropriate time.
>
>In fact, just the other day, a leading African Political Scientist painted
>a
>very gloomy picture of Africa, and then went on to predict that the
>collapse, or near collapse, of African States would be one of the more
>prevalent developments in our Continent, in the 21st Century, IF the
>repressive nature of African governments was anything to go by.
>
>The task of maintaining law and order within African states, he predicted,
>will be one of main challenges of the 21st Century, except if genuine
>democracy was to be given a chance in our respective countries.
>
>In other words, he is arguing that long-term stability in our respective
>countries is actually dependent on the building of strategies and policies
>that can consolidate Democracy and Development.
>
>Therefore, in his view, our challenge as Africans - which is also the only
>route to eternal peace and stability - is really how to build sustainable
>democracy and development in our various countries. Democracy, he warned,
>was too important to be left in the hands of our leaders alone.
>
>Anyway, that aside, what is an undisputable fact is that building democracy
>is a collective responsibility. It requires the right mix of enlightened
>leaders, but, more importantly, it also requires an active Civil Society
>plus, of course, institutions that work.
>
>And, needless to say, the hallmark of a free society is the ability of
>individuals to associate with like-minded individuals to express their
>views
>publicly; to openly debate public policy and petition their governments if
>need be.
>
>Therefore, the convening of your conference, especially given its relevant
>theme, is indeed very timely, and I am sure that at the end of your
>deliberations, some very useful lessons would have been drawn/learnt.
>
>Having said that, let me now share some thoughts with you, on the theme of
>your conference: "Democratic Challenges in the Wake of the Student
>Killings."
>
>Gambians, in my view, are confronted with a number of challenges - economic
>and political - but the most important of all the challenges facing us as a
>people right now, is to try and work out effective ways and means of
>bringing about a permanent end to Mr Jammeh's dictatorial rule, and put in
>its place, a progressive and sustainable democratic governance.
>
>So, the starting point, without beating about the bush, is that Yaya
>Jammeh's rule has got to end, and then in its place, a civilian democratic,
>accountable modes of governance needs to be institutionalized. Yaya
>Jammeh's
>rule, so far, as we all know, has constricted the democratic space,
>entrenched authoritarianism and nurtured militarism to point that even the
>continued existence of the Gambia, as a Nation, is now under threat if such
>a trend continued.
>
>So, our main task, or challenge, as it were, is to try and bring about an
>end to Yaya Jammeh's undemocratic rule, once and for all, and then
>institutionalise credible and accountable civilian democratic modes of
>governance.
>
>In fact, in my view, the need to unseat Yaya Jammeh from Public Office
>becomes all the more urgent, if we consider the fact that all the
>characteristics associated with genuine democracy - ranging from
>transparency, accountability, good governance to human rights - are
>missing
>elements in Yaya Jammeh's Gambia.
>
>Perhaps, it is necessary for me to attempt a brief conceptualisation of
>these terms, so that we can judge for ourselves, whether or not, these
>components are present/found in Yaya Jammeh's Gambia.
>
>* Transparency refers to openness in the process of governance in the
>election process, policy/decision making/implementation and evaluation - at
>all levels of government (Central and Local) and in all branches
>(Executive,
>Legislature, and Judiciary)
>
>* Accountability refers to the ability to determine who in the government
>is
>responsible for a decision or action and the ability to ensure that
>officials in government are answerable for their actions.
>
>* Good Governance presupposes a government which has the ability to
>maintain
>social peace, guarantee law and order, protect individuals' fundamental
>rights and freedoms, and promote or create conditions necessary for
>economic
>growth.
>
>So, based on these definitions, it is clear that what we have in place in
>the Gambia of today, is in fact the complete opposite: We have got a regime
>which is autocratic and corrupt, seated in the Gambia, period.
>
>In short, Yaya Jammeh's five years of (mis)rule has only resulted in a
>total
>loss of respect for the rule of law; a psyche of militarism that has
>developed; rampant corruption and a lack of probity in public life; the
>devastation of our economy and, of course, the destruction of our Civil
>Service.
>
>This is why the Military is always expected to be insulted from politics
>and
>civil society in general. The Military in power will only bring more
>poverty
>and misery to doorsteps of the people.
>
>The question now arises: How do we unseat Yaya Jammeh and his gory regime?
>Well, in order to achieve this goal, it surely requires the input of all
>concerned about and committed for a better future for the Gambia.
>
>In my view, strategies to organise ourselves more effectively so as to
>unseat Yaya Jammeh can be discussed at the Macro and Micro levels. At the
>Macro level, it is imperative, in my view, that the political forces in the
>Gambia (try) and form a tactical alliance, especially given the fact that
>the elections are now fast approaching.
>
>And the Civil Society in the Gambia - ranging from Civic Associations,
>Professional Bodies, Religious Bodies, Trade Unions - must also become more
>active in the process.
>
>The Gambian Civil Society, I have to say, is already playing a very crucial
>role in this regard, but it could even play a much more greater role in the
>promotion of accountability and transparency for good governance.
>
>To this end, the Independent Media in the Gambia must be sustained at all
>cost, and empowered, as it were, to play a more forceful role in public
>life. In particular, the media's ability to play its watch dog role must be
>strengthened by helping it to train and develop the investigative reporting
>skills of its reporters. However, it needs to be again stressed that the
>Civil Society in the Gambia is very active nowadays, and, consequently,
>every effort must be made to encourage its proactive role.
>
>At the micro level, there is need for effective mass mobilisation at the
>local levels. There is need to relate properly and effectively at the grass
>roots communities.
>
>But, meanwhile, our task really must be to try and open up the political
>space in the Gambia, pending the unseating of the Yaya Jammeh regime. So,
>these are some of the challenges confronting us, in my view:
>
>* PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY is indispensable to democratic governance. So we
>need to ensure that measures that can guarantee this are taken by the
>Government. For instance, the establishment of an impartially-selected
>Ombudsman is crucial. And members to such an important institution
>shouldn't
>be hand-picked, as Yaya Jammeh did. Rather, the members to such a vital
>body
>must selected by a neutral team of respected Gambians.
>
>And, in the light of the massive corruption rampant in the Yaya Jammeh
>government, I have to say that the establishment of an independent auditing
>and accounting entity with powers (to be guaranteed by the Our
>Constitution)
>is all the more necessary.
>
>The Civil Service also should no longer be allowed to operate as a branch,
>or a part, of Mr Jammeh's Kanilal home. Efforts must therefore be made to
>make sure that the Civil Service is an entity that will efficiently and non
>discriminatingly perform public services. It should not be allowed, any
>more, to be an instrument of manipulation available to  monster Yaya
>Jammeh.
>
>* THE JUDICIARY: A legal system with fair, transparent and effective
>judicial institutions is essential to the protection of citizens against
>the
>arbitrary use of State authority and lawless acts of both organisations and
>individuals.
>
>So, we are also challenged to ensure that judicial independence is never
>compromised in the Gambia. Consequently, laws that are in consistent with
>the Provisions of the Constitution such as Decrees 45, 57, 70, 71, and 89
>must be repealed instantly.
>
>* ELECTIONS: Free and fair elections are integral to a functioning
>democracy. In fact, free and fair elections are keys to any democratic
>process. So there is need to ensure that the electoral process and the
>actual election - the voting and the counting of the votes - are free and
>fair come November 2001.
>
>We have to demand that equal access to the National Media be given to all
>the political parties in the forthcoming elections. And that reputable
>election observers be invited. And, of course, there is need to train
>election officials.
>
>* 1997 CONSTITUTION: The new Constitution needs to be revisited to make
>sure
>that it suits our needs and aspirations. In particular, there should be a
>term limit to the Presidency. Most Constitutions that are designed to
>promote democratic government must provide a term limit for the presidency;
>so that aspect has to be addressed.
>
>We also have to make sure that the Government is forced to adhere to the
>provisions of the new Constitution. For instance, while the new
>Constitution
>clearly states that "no one should be subjected to arbitrary arrest and
>detention," the security forces in the country, however, have continued to
>arrest and detain persons for days, without charge. A case in point was
>that
>of the detention of the GAMSU leaders.
>
>They were detained for more than 72 hours without any charges being
>preferred against them. The Constitution clearly states that no one should
>be detained for over 72 hours without being charged.
>
>* TRUTH TELLING & RECONCILIATION: As already well-argued by Dr Saine in the
>Gambia-L position paper, there is also the need to establish a Truth and
>Reconciliation Commision to investigate past human rights so as to
>facilitate truth telling, national healing and reconciliation.
>
>The five years of Yaya Jammeh's (mis)rule has been marked by violence,
>gross
>abuses, killings and brutal repression to the extent that a process of
>truth
>telling and accountability for sins of the past, becomes necessary if we
>are
>really interested in seeing our country return to the path of genuine
>democracy and sustainable development.
>
>Yaya Jammeh's five years, at the helm, clearly points to the need for a
>process of accountability to address past violations and put an end to
>impunity on the part of government leadership. Serious efforts must
>therefore be made to heal the wounds brought about, in the country, as a
>result of Yaya Jammeh's (mis)rule; and, in so doing, genuine reconciliation
>could be achieved.
>
>*CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: Central to democratic theory and politics is the
>question of the supremacy of civil governmental authority over the Armes
>Forces. So, at any rate, the demilitarisation of politics in the Gambia is
>significant. The military must be told/reminded that it is expected to be
>insulted from politics and civil society in general.
>
>There must be recognition on the part of the military that it is
>accountable
>to the Rule of Law (not to Yaya Jammeh), and must also be obliged to
>respect
>civilian authority. The Armes Forces should be non-partisan and remain
>above
>politics at all times. In my view, the Gambian Army needs to be educated to
>understand that it is an institution geared at defending the State against
>external threats.
>
>Therefore, our challenge, which I must say is an onerous one, is to make
>the
>Military politically neutral. Therfore, any future leader of the Gambia
>must
>initiate programmes in Civil-Military relations that will address ways in
>which the right balance can be achieved/struck so that freely elected
>civilians can regain control of their country.
>
>Such a Gambian leader will also have to initiate programmes to educate the
>public on the activities of the Army so as to dymystify their (army's) role
>in society and mitigate the fear and feeling of mistrust and hostility by
>civilians. The Gambian army, in a post Jammeh era, will have to be reformed
>and given a new mission. The reforms, of course, must include the
>restructuring, downsizing and streamlining all the forces.
>
>The new-look Gambian Army must be trained - through seminars, workshops and
>specialised courses - to maintain professionalism and positive neutrality
>in
>national politics. And, needless to say, the new-look army must also be an
>ethnically-diverse armed forces.
>
>In a post Jammeh era, in my view, the creation of healthy civil-military
>relations becomes imperative, because stable and healthy civil-military
>relations are not only necesary to sustain democratic governance, but they
>are also necesary for economic development.
>
>                IMMEDIATE TASK
>
>But our immediate task right now, is to continue the struggle for greater
>opening up of the political space in the Gambia. The extent to which
>genuine
>democracy will be restored back in the Gambia is dependent, to a large
>extent, on the efficacy of the Gambian Civil Society.
>
>So, in other words, the continuation of an effective civil society in the
>Gambia is paramount. Mr Jammeh must be taught to understand that governance
>is actually a partnership between the government and civil society. For
>democracy to function properly anywhere in this world, the forging of a
>partnership between government and civil society is required; and Mr Jammeh
>must be taught that fact.
>
>Meanwhile, it needs to be underscored that in the final analysis, it is
>only
>us (Gambians) who can succeed in uprooting Yaya Jammeh's despotic regime.
>External influences would be most welcomed, but Mr Jammeh's removal from
>office, primarily, must be brought about by Gambians themselves.
>
>And yes, the task of bringing about a credible democratic change is not
>going to be an easy one, but it can surely be accomplished with proper
>tactics and strategies of strengthening our organisational capacity and
>mobilisation.
>
>In a post Yaya Jammeh era, we must put in place, a liberal democratic
>system
>in which there are not only regular free, fair and competitive multi party
>elections, but also an effective rule of law to protect individual freedoms
>of belief, opinion, speech, publication, assembly, petitions and so on.
>
>Another point to note is that democratization and development are actually
>mutually supportive. They go hand in hand. In fact, there are growing
>doubts
>nowadays as to whether democratic structures can survive amid prolonged
>economic suffering, severe inequality and rampant crime.
>
>So, the issue of combating poverty must be addressed simultaneously if we
>really want to consolidate democracy in the Gambia. We MUST address the
>poverty gripping our country. For instance, in Africa, the countries with
>highest long term growth rates have been Botswana and Mauritius, which also
>have the longest record of democratic rule on the Continent.
>
>Africa's worst performer - in economic terms during the 1990s - Kenya,
>Nigeria, Zaire - are cases, if you will, of not failed democratisation, but
>failed authoritarian rule.
>
>And by the way, with all his (Jammeh's) bluff, the reality on the ground is
>that the Gambia is still ranked among the least developed countries in the
>world, with a meagre GNP per capita income of US$350 dollars. The ratio of
>the population living under the poverty line is 64 per cent, while 40 per
>cent live under the food poverty line. About 20 per cent of the population
>is in fact categorized as extremely poor.
>
>So, in terms of Human Development Index, the Gambia is ranked among the
>poorest countries in the world. Malnutrition, needless to say, is
>widespread!! And in both the rural and urban areas, about half of
>households
>and 50 per cent of the entire population fall below the overall poverty
>norms.
>
>Life expectancy at birth is 55 years, but 34 per cent is likely to die
>before reaching 40 years. The illiteracy rate remains high, at 61 per cent
>as against the African average of 44 per cent.
>
>And a large number of the population also lacks access to health services,
>while 50 per cent of the entire population lack access to safe drinking
>water. In fact, 56 per cent of births are still not attended by trained
>personnel; and 12 per cent of the children under 5 years are reported to be
>malnourished.
>
>The fertility rate, as we all know, is quite high, 6 births per woman; and
>this is even higher for rural women, 7 births per woman, than for urban
>ones. Infant mortality is 92 deaths per 1000, while under 5 years mortality
>is 180 per 1000 children. Maternal mortality is 1,050 per cent 100,000.
>
>So, in conclusion, I have to argue that our challenges, as Gambians, are
>both political/democratic and economic in nature. Meanwhile, I wish you a
>very successful deliberations.
>
>Ebrima Ceesay
>Birmingham, UK.
>________________________________________________________________________
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