CHOMSKY Archives

The philosophy, work & influences of Noam Chomsky

CHOMSKY@LISTSERV.ICORS.ORG

Options: Use Forum View

Use Monospaced Font
Show Text Part by Default
Show All Mail Headers

Message: [<< First] [< Prev] [Next >] [Last >>]
Topic: [<< First] [< Prev] [Next >] [Last >>]
Author: [<< First] [< Prev] [Next >] [Last >>]

Print Reply
Subject:
From:
Ken Freeland <[log in to unmask]>
Reply To:
The philosophy, work & influences of Noam Chomsky
Date:
Sat, 11 Mar 2000 10:46:54 -0600
Content-Type:
text/plain
Parts/Attachments:
text/plain (343 lines)
This is not a campaign issue?

By Sean Gonsalves

Thanks to the state department and our "adversarial" free press, even those

who consider themselves well-informed about foreign policy have tremendous

gaps in their knowledge when it comes to our policy in Iraq.



You may have heard the numbers, which have been confirmed by the most

reputable medical journals in the world: Over 500,000 Iraqi children (plus a

million Iraqi adult civilians) have died as a direct result of the sanctions

that we imposed ten years ago on that formerly prosperous nation.

Let's try to look at this in human terms, which is difficult for many

Americans because Iraqis, as a rule, are not portrayed as human beings, even

in a "bleeding heart" media.



It's mentally lazy to solely blame Saddam, who (no rational person disputes)

is a nasty dictator (although, his human rights transgressions don't come

close to the atrocities committed by some of our foreign fiends - I mean,

friends). But Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel's sagely advice comes to mind:

"We're not all guilty. But we are all responsible."



Some readers might object: "Hey, sanctions are better than bombing. So what

is Sean complaining about now?" First of all, Iraq's infrastructure was

completely destroyed by our bombs. To say that Iraq is a threat to world

peace is like saying a third-grade bully is a threat to Mike Tyson.

Once you cut through the propaganda, a question arises: Is it our policy to

simply punish any "rogue" nation that even thinks about challenging American

dominance of Middle East oil reserves?



The explicit purpose of the sanctions is to severely harm the civilian

population in order to "persuade" the "duped" to oust Saddam. Never mind the

moral repugnance of such coercive policy objectives, the intellectual

bankruptcy of the policy is that, in this case, the sanctions cannot

possibly reach their own intended purpose.



If Iraqi civilians are forced to eke out a hand-to-mouth existence

day-to-day, how in the hell are they supposed to kick a dictator out of

power?! What political genius came up with that genocidal idea?

Now, genocide is a much abused term in our world where talk-radio (il)logic

reigns, but that's exactly what Dennis Halliday called it. Halliday was a

senior UN official, who resigned last year in protest of the stupid and

cruel policy.



Some people think the Iraqi people would have the medicine and food they

need if only Saddam would stop spending it on palaces and what-not. Not only

is this an embarrassingly mis-informed view, it's also like blaming

President Clinton alone for the increasing number of homeless people in

America even though there's a federal budget surplus.

As UN humanitarian coordinator, Hans Van Sponeck points out, the UN - not

the Iraqi government - controls the money from the oil-for-food program. The

UN distributes the food and medicine purchased with that money in northern

Iraq and carefully monitors the distribution of these basic survival goods

throughout the rest of the nation.



A major reason that limited medical supplies are often not being delivered

is because there's an extreme shortage of delivery trucks and personnel.

"You have heard, I'm sure, a lot about the overstocking of medicine. When

you get from someone a monocausal explanation then you should start getting

suspicious. It is not - I repeat, it is not - a premeditated act of

withholding medicine. It's much more complex than that," Van Sponeck told a

group of Seattle doctors who have gone to Iraq several times to study the

situation and openly violate the sanctions, bringing medicine and toys to

Iraqi children. (According to US federal law, you can get a 12 year jail

sentence and a million dollar fine for bringing toys and medicine to Iraqi

children.)



"If you earn a $1.50 a month in a warehouse that has medicine, will you work

14 hours a day? I doubt it. You can't even afford to be there eight hours a

day because you have to somehow make some other money in order to get at

least enough to get into your kitty to finance the needs of your household,"

Van Sponeck explained to members of the Washington Physicians for Social

Responsibility.



Also banned from Iraq are medical textbooks and other educational material.

"De-professionalization....It is frightening....People who are well-trained

have no chance to work with their full capacity in the area of their

training....You have what I would call knowledge depletion. Right now we are

setting the stage for depriving another (Iraqi) generation of opportunity to

become responsible national and international citizens of tomorrow. That may

be the most serious aspect of it all, apart from the nutritional deficiency,

apart from the health problems, apart from the inadequacy of the

food....It's intellectual genocide," Van Sponeck said. There's that word

again.



And this isn't even a campaign issue in the land of the free?

Last week I interviewed Scott Ritter. Ritter was one of the UNSCOM weapons

inspectors in Iraq - the UN team in charge of dismantling Iraq's weapons of

mass destruction program. Can you tell me about the "threat" that Saddam

Hussein poses to the Middle East region, in particular; and the world in

general?



"Let's talk about the weapons. In 1991, did Iraq have a viable weapons of

mass destruction capability? Your darn right they did. They had a massive

chemical weapons program. They had a giant biological weapons program. They

had long-range ballistic missiles and they had a nuclear weapons program

that was about six months away from having a viable weapon.

"Now after seven years of work by UNSCOM inspectors, there was no more (mass

destruction) weapons program. It had been eliminated....When I say

eliminated I'm talking about facilities destroyed....



"The weapons stock had been, by and large, accounted for - removed,

destroyed or rendered harmless. Means of production had been eliminated, in

terms of the factories that can produce this....



"There were some areas that we didn't have full accounting for. And this is

what plagued UNSCOM. Security Council 687 is an absolute resolution. It

requires that Iraq be disarmed 100 percent. It's what they call

'quantitative disarmament.' Iraq will not be found in compliance until it

has been disarmed to a 100 percent level. That's the standard set forth by

the security council and as implementors of the security council resolution

the weapons inspectors had no latitude to seek to do anything less than

that - 80 percent was not acceptable; 90 percent was not acceptable; only

100 percent was acceptable.



"And this was the Achilles tendon, so to speak, of UNSCOM. Because by the

time 1997 came around, Iraq had been qualitatively disarmed. On any

meaningful benchmark - in terms of defining Iraq's weapons of mass

destruction capability; in terms of accessing whether or not Iraq posed a

threat, not only to its immediate neighbors, but the region and the world as

a whole - Iraq had been eliminated as such a threat....

"What was Iraq hiding? Documentation primarily - documents that would enable

them to reconstitute - at a future date - weapons of mass destruction

capability...But all of this is useless....unless Iraq has access to the

tens, if not hundreds, of millions of dollars required to rebuild the

industrial infrastructure (necessary) to build these weapons. They didn't

have it in 1998. They don't have it today. This paranoia about what Iraq is

doing now that there aren't weapons inspectors reflects a lack of

understanding the reality in Iraq.



"The economic sanctions have devastated this nation. The economic sanctions

combined with the effects of the Gulf War, have assured that Iraq operate as

a Third World nation in terms of industrial output and capacity. They have

invested enormous resources in trying to build a 150 kilometer range

ballistic missile called the Al Samoud.



"In 1998 they ran some flight tests of prototypes that they had built of

this missile. They fizzled. One didn't get off the stand. The other flipped

over on the stand and blew up. The other one got up in the air and then went

out of control and blew up. They don't have the ability to produce a short

range ballistic missile yet alone a long-range ballistic missile....

"The other thing to realize is: they are allowed to build this missile. It's

not against the law. The law says anything under 150 kilometers they can

build and yet people are treating this missile as if it's a threat to

regional security...It's a tactical battlefield missile, that's it. Yet,

(Congressman Tom) Lantos and others treat this as though its some sort of

latent capability and requires a ballistic missile defense system to guard

against it. It's ridiculous. Iraq has no meaningful weapons of mass

destruction program today.



"Now, having said that, I firmly believe we have to get weapons inspection

back in for the purpose of monitoring...especially if we lift economic

sanctions. And I believe that there should be immediate lifting of economic

sanctions in return for the resumption of meaningful arms inspections. Iraq

would go for that. What Iraq is not going for is this so-called suspension

of sanctions where the Iraqi economy is still controlled by the security

council and held hostage to the whim of the United States, which has shown

itself irresponsible in terms of formulating Iraq policy over the past

decade. The United States still has a policy of overthrowing the regime of

Saddam Hussein - in total disregard for international law and the provisions

of the relevant security council resolutions.



"I, for one, believe that A) Iraq represents a threat to no one, and B) Iraq

will not represent a threat to anyone if we can get weapons inspectors back

in. Iraq will accept these inspectors if we agree to the immediate lifting

of economic sanctions. The security council should re-evaluate Iraq's

disarmament obligation from a qualitative standpoint and not a quantitative

standpoint."






"You must be the change you wish to see in the world."
                          - M. Gandhi

"You must be the change you wish to see in the world."
                          - M. Gandhi

ATOM RSS1 RSS2