Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issues
Issue No. 130/2007, 5-6 November, 2007
Editorial
THE END OF DECENTRALISATION
Section 101 of the Constitution of the Gambia states categorically that no
bill shall be introduced into the National Assembly of the Gambia, unless it
is accompanied by an explanatory memorandum setting out in detail the policies
and principles of the bill, the defects it is intended to remedy and the
necessity for its introduction.
An extra ordinary meeting of the National Assembly was convened to discuss
and amend the Local Government Act. The bill which was placed before the
National Assembly members was introduced by the Secretary of State for Local
Government and Lands and Religious Affairs, Ismaila Sambou.
Let us now examine the original principles governing Local government
administration under the 1997 Constitution and weigh the amendments against the
principles.
During the early phase of the colonial period power was centralized in the
hands of the governor. People paid taxes but had no way of determining
who would manage their resources. The governor appointed the members of the
executive and legislative councils to serve as advisory bodies for the
Governor. It was Edward Francis Small who pioneered the clarion call for ‘no taxation
without representation’. 87 years have elapsed since the National Congress
of British West Africa called on its members to educate the people to know
that they are the rates and tax payers and had the right to elect those who are
to manage their taxes. One would have thought by now that the people of our
era would be more enlightened than those who lived at the time of Francis
Small:
The 1997 Constitution made Section 193 subsection (1) an entrenched clause.
This clause cannot be changed without a referendum: The section States:
‘’Local Government in the Gambia shall be based on a system of
democratically elected councils with a high degree of Local Autonomy’’
In line with section I93 the constitution further asserted in section 194
paragraphs (a) and (c):
‘’An Act of the National Assembly by or under which a local government
authority is established shall include provision for –
(a) the election of members of the authority from among residents
of the area within the authority’s jurisdiction at intervals of four years,
and the qualifications for election;
(b) the additional representation on the authority of District
Seyfolu and representatives of local commercial, occupational or social interests
or groups, whether by election or otherwise
(c) the direct election of the mayor or chairman of the authority;”
The Secretary of State started by calling for the amendment of this
provision. Section 193 subsection (4) also states the object of the Local Government
System as follows:
“ It shall be the object of the local government system that as far as
possible, issues of local policy and administration shall be decided at a local
level and that local government authorities shall cooperate with the Central
Government in adopting a policy of decentralization.”
On Wednesday 31 October 2007, the Secretary of State for Local Government
introduced the following amendments:
“(1) Local Government Council shall stand dissolved ninety days before a
Local Government election.
“(2)On the dissolution of a Council, The President shall appoint, for each
Local Government Area, an interim Management Team, consisting of such persons
as he or she may determine, to perform the functions and exercise the powers
of a Council until the day preceding the first meeting of a Council after a
Local Government election.’’
This contravenes the letter and spirit of Section 193 of the constitution
and should become null and void.
The amendments further states:
‘’A Chairperson, other than a Mayor or Mayoress, shall be elected by the
Councillors from among the Councillors.” This ousts the direct election of the
Chairpersons of councils outside of Banjul and the Kanifing Municipality, and
thus deprives the people in the rural areas of universal suffrage in
electing chairpersons of councils as is reminiscent of the colonial days.
To negate the principle of decentralisation completely, the following amend
ment empowers the president to remove the elected members of councils and thus
reduces them to subjects under the control of the Secretary of state:
“Notwithstanding the other provisions of this section, a Chairperson, Deputy
Chairperson or other member of a Council may also be removed from office by
the President, on the recommendation of the Secretary of state, on any of the
grounds set out in subsection (1) of this section.”
This is the end result of the APRC revolution: One step forward and Two
steps backwards.
The following is part of the explanation given by SoS Sambou as principles
for the Amendments:
“In the light of constraints which the Department of State for Local
Government and Lands experiences in the exchange and management of information and
decisions with Councils, the Department considers it necessary to introduce
the concept of the indirect executive chairpersons excluding mayors and
mayoresses, where the chairpersons of councils are elected not by universal adult
suffrage but by the Councillors from among themselves. This could not, however,
be done without the Constitution being amended. The Constitution having been
amended, this Bill seeks to amend the relevant sections of the Local
Government Act to give effect to the Constitutional amendment. In the same vein,
with the need for faster decision making in Council and for a more rapid and
more responsive implementation of the decentralization process, the Department
of State wishes also to propose the amendment of the relevant sections of the
Local Government Act 2002 to reflect the need for the President to have the
power to remove the Mayor/Chairman, Deputy Mayor/Chairman or other member of
Council. And also to have Councillors in the local Government Authorities who
can demonstrate a clearer understanding of issues and participate more
effectively in chamber debates.”
History is recording how the constitution is being butchered to suit the
desire of the APRC to centralize power in the hands of its executive. In a
democratic society where the electorate are sovereign and enlightened such an
issue would be part of an election platform which should warrant MPs being sent
packing at the end of their mandate.
Gambia and Senegal Sign Communiqué
By Bubacarr K. Sowe
The Gambian Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Crispin Grey-Johnson and
the Senegalese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Cheikh Tidiane Gadio have
signed a Joint Communiqué on Saturday, November 3, at the end of the 4th
session of the Senegalo-Gambian Joint Ministerial commission held at the Kairaba
Beach Hotel.
The meeting was in accordance with directives of the two heads of state and
issues discussed included trade, customs, transport, the environment,
agriculture, forestry, wildlife, fisheries, education, energy, gender, culture,
security and defence, immigration, health, tourism and the Senegalo – Gambian
Permanent Secretariat.
On trade, the Gambia and Senegal have agreed to exchange information on
trade matters and a draft trade agreement between the two countries was submitted
by the Gambia to the Senegalese authorities and their reaction will be
forthcoming in due course.
The two countries have also agreed and recommended that a meeting be
convened between the two customs institutions as soon as possible in order to give
adequate response to pertinent matters.
The communiqué reads: “Pertaining to the transport sector, the Gambian side
proposed the signing of a new road transport agreement before the end of 2007
given that the agreement signed in 2004 is not adequately implemented. It
was agreed that a meeting be held in Dakar on 20th November, 2007 to finalise a
new agreement.”
The question of the bridge was raised. “It was decided that the matter be
referred to the forthcoming Joint Consultative meeting.”
On the environment, the delegations indicated their long standing
cooperation in sharing information based on the use of Geographic Information System
(GIS) and remote sensing. “Future collaboration will include coastal and marine
environment management, enhancing environmental monitoring systems, and the
strengthening of chemical management, including the control of obsolete
and/or banned pesticides in the two countries,” the communiqué states.
In the area of forestry, delegates of both countries agreed to strengthen
collaboration by implementing joint activities and exchange of experiences in
fire prevention, protection and monitoring techniques, community forestry, the
management of mangroves and mangrove die-back, especially the Bintang Bolong.
“The two countries will strengthen the control of the cross – border
movement of forest products; exchange of research, trial results, data and
documentations and sharing information on reforestation and afforestation, as well as
collaborate on the implementation of regional and international agreements,”
the communiqué states.
On protected areas and wildlife management, the two governments are
implementing a memorandum of understanding (MOU) of 2001 for the trans – frontier
management of Niumi National Park and Delta du Saloum National Park.
“In addition to these two areas of cooperation, the delegations of both
countries agreed to the establishment of more trans-boundary protected areas,
harmonization of regulation on sport hunting, wildlife management and
cooperation on illegal poaching,” the communiqué reads.
On climate change, the delegates have agreed to develop policies and
regulations in implementing joint mitigation and adaptation plans and programmes.
In the agriculture sector, the two sides underscored the need for the imple
mentation of common policies and programmes geared towards poverty alleviation
and agreed to cooperate in the harmonization of their regulations on
phytosanitary, seeds, genetically modified organisms and movement of pesticides. “
They also agreed to prevent invasion of locust and other migratory pests and
improve on exchange of research, training and experiences. The countries will
endeavour to share experience in research in the agro-sylvo-pastoral area,”
the communiqué indicated.
The existing reciprocal fisheries agreement between the two countries will
be reviewed in January 2008 in Banjul, in accordance with article thirteen of
the agreement.
On gender, the Women’s Bureau in the Gambia and the Ministry of Family
Affairs in Senegal have initiated action for an effective and coordinated
collaboration between them, and to that end the two countries are about to sign a
bilateral agreement. The two countries agreed to factor and fully integrate
children’s issues in their respective national policies and programmes. “The
Senegalese side has invited children and teachers from the Gambia to attend the
3rd Children’s Week Celebration from the 11th - 16th December, 2007. The
Senegalese delegation proposes that the Gambia considers the establishment of a “
Hut for Children” programme with the logistics, funded by Senegal,” the
communiqué shows.
In the area of education, they agreed to establish links between the
University of the Gambia and other institutions of higher education in Senegal and
exchange experiences in vocational training.
They also intend to collaborate on the transcription of common local
languages and share experiences in non – formal education.
Both countries agreed to mobilise adequate funds for the improvement of
trans-boundary electrification and inter-connections.
On culture and heritage, the two countries are to undertake consultations at
institutional level through meetings and exchange of cultural facilities and
activities. “In this endeavour, cultural exchanges between them are of great
importance,” the communiqué points out.
On the issue of security and defence, the two countries have noted that an
agreement is in place and that a final draft memorandum of understanding is
yet to be signed by the Chiefs of Defence Staff of both countries.
The communiqué reads: “Concerning the issue of security, the two sides
reiterated their determination to fully implement the conventions signed by them
in relation to extradition matters. In this regard, they will examine the
procedures pertaining to the implementation of requests for extradition and will
therefore exchange information in this respect as soon as possible.”
On immigration matters, both parties agreed to jointly sensitise their
respective officers at the borders to allow the free movement of people and goods.
“The two sides agreed to organise regular contacts and periodic visits
between the two police authorities. For the waiver on the abrogation of aliens’
cards, the two sides agreed that the request be submitted to the Gambian side
through diplomatic channels,” the agreement indicates.
Regarding the issue of health, they recommended that the competent committee
be convened to review the existing agreement and formulate recommendations to
the concerned authorities.
On the Senegalo – Gambian Permanent Secretariat, it was agreed that the
sub-committee should meet to decide on the salient points so as to address all
outstanding issues.
“The timetable for the establishment of the permanent secretariat will be
decided upon by both sides,” the two sides agreed.
On cooperation in tourism, they proposed that the experts of the two
countries meet to study the draft agreement proposed by the Gambian delegation to
the Senegalese side.
Finally, the communiqué states that this meeting will be followed by a
meeting of the consultative committee before the end of the year in December 2007
in Dakar and a Summit of Heads of State shortly thereafter.
The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Crispin Grey Johnson, said there
is a need for the two sister republics to dialogue. The lack of dialogue
will lead to misunderstanding which could even breed crisis and conflicts.
His Senegalese counterpart Dr. Cheikh Tidiane Gadio told reporters the two
countries will not allow dissidents to use each others country as a platform
to promote coup d’etats or separatism.
Management Teams Appointed Country Wide
By Sarjo Camara-Singhateh
Reliable sources informed this reporter that management teams have been
appointed in all the administrative regions of the country. This is in conformity
with the amended Local Government Act which calls for the automatic
dissolution of councils ninety days before election.
In the Kanifing Municipality it is confirmed that Mr. Gibou Jagne, former
NCP Member of Parliament, has been appointed as the chairman of the Interim
Management Team. Mr. Jagne heads a nine- member committee. The names of the
other members of the committee will be published in a subsequent issue.
For the Banjul City Council, the former NTC Management Director, Mr. Alieu
Mboge, has been appointed Chairman and Nancy Njie, APRC Stalwart, Vice
Chairperson. Other members are Alhagi Njie-Biri, Alieu Gaye, a Businessman, Sheikh
Omar Njie, Former National Assembly Member, and Ousman Jobarteh.
In Kuntaur Area Council Mr. Ganyie Touray has been appointed Chairman of the
Interim Management Team with Alhagie Ebou, Adam Cham, Seedy Bensuda, Momodou
Lamin Jallow, Mrs. Emmily Nying, and Pierre Bah, Chief of Niani are also
committee members.
For Jangjanbureh Area Council, Mr. Ganyie Touray is Chairman of the Interim
Management Team. Other members include Kebba Kora, Demba Bah, John Bah, Foday
Saidykhan, Amie Jobarteh, Yusupha Gassama, Momodou Lamin Bandeh (Chief of
Sankulay Kunda). Sources disclosed that the Governors are automatically the
chairpersons of the interim management teams.
The members of the Interim Management Team of Western Region are not yet
known, but according to the Public Relations Officer, Mr. Modou Joof, the
Governor, Western Region, Mr Abdou F.M.Badgie is the chairperson. He also said that
the members of the interim management committee would be announced on
Tuesday, 6th November 2007.
National Assembly Approves US $8 Million Loan
By Bubacarr K. Sowe
The National Assembly in its extra-ordinary session on Wednesday, October
31, ratified two loan agreements of US $ 4 million dollars each between The
Gambia and the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
The loans, signed in Vienna, Austria on September 5, 2007 are meant for the
third public works project and the highway and street lighting project.
According to Musa Balla Gaye, the Secretary of State for Finance and Economic
Affairs, the third public works project “will build the capacity of beneficiaries
such as local government authorities, village communities and public
institutions”.
“The project is expected to make interventions in providing education and
health facilities, construct some roads in the urban areas, extend water supply
network and electricity in the urban/peri-urban areas, provide water,
reticulation system in some rural communities, fire stations around the country,
markets, youth facilities and public buildings like post offices,” Mr. Gaye
enumerated.
The highway and street lighting project, according to the Secretary of
State, covers the areas of Banjul and some parts of the Kanifing Municipality. “
The project’s scope includes a detailed design, supply, installation and
commissioning of all equipment and materials required to ensure the satisfactory
installation and connection of the entire lighting system for the areas already
specified,” Mr. Gaye said.
He added that government has decided that NAWEC will execute the project to
build-up capacity and ensure sustainability. Both loans have a grace period
of five years and a repayment period of fifteen years. Government will pay
from time to time a service charge at the rate of one percent (1%) per annum on
the principal amount of the loan withdrawn and outstanding, to meet the
expense of administering the loan,” the Secretary of State said.
Where Are Former Foni Kansala Chief And Others?
After One Year Of Arrest
By Modou Jonga
The family sources of the former Chief of Foni Kansala, Momodou Lamin
Nyassi, and two others, told Foroyaa that their loved ones’ whereabout are yet to
be disclosed by the authorities. Family sources have it that the trio in the
persons of the Foni Kansala Chief, Momodou Lamin Nyassi, Ndongo Mboob and Buba
Sanyang were re-arrested by plain clothes officers at Bwiam in the month of
April 2006.
According to family sources, before their re-arrest the trio were previously
taken to the police headquarters for interrogation before their first
release. The family sources also noted that plain clothes officers at Bwiam
rearrested the trio in April last year. Family sources complained “that since the
trio were rearrested, they had made frantic efforts to locate their
whereabouts but to no avail”. They said they consulted various offices in order to
locate them. The sources have revealed that this situation has caused
psychological strain on the family members of the trio, who are said to be the
breadwinners.
Family sources revealed that they have visited the authorities at the state
Central Prison, Police headquarters as well as the NIA headquarters, but
their efforts have proven fruitless.
Continuation of Interview with Halifa Sallah
Part 7
Why didn’t you get a publisher for such an important book?
We are trying to build local capacity for book production. Edward Francis
Small was a pioneer of the liberation struggle in the Gambia. Our printing
press is named after him. The press is responsible for printing Dawda Faal’s
history book. It is to print a Mathematics book prepared by Sam Sarr. Sidia Jatta
has produced a book for learning in the local languages. I have five books
in the pipe line: The manuscripts are ready. I will put one for sale and use
the income as seed money to print the next one. President Jammeh has
challenged his opponents to show what they can offer the nation during his term in
office. We will be producing books which will enlighten the world. While he is
purchasing musical instruments, we will be making savings to purchase printing
machines and to build a Pan African Library. Since he claims to be a
destroyer of HIV, we challenge him to put his knowledge in books for the medical
students of the world just as we are going to be doing.
How do you intend to distribute the book?
I have engagements up to the 11th of November. I will do the launching after
the 11th. I will give some school libraries free copies and distribute it
locally at a price of 200 dalasis per copy plus sales tax, if I do not manage
to get a waiver. Furthermore I will be willing to visit any country in the
world where a group of students or persons numbering 50 are willing to patronize
the launching with a contribution of between 25 to 50 pounds or its
equivalent in dollars and Euros for a copy of the book and a cassette of the
launching: This will enable me to meet all travel and accommodation costs as well as
to keep seed money for more publications.
Do you have a contact address?
The requests should be forwarded to People’s Centre for Social Science,
Civic Awareness and Community Initiative, P.O. Box 2306, Serrekunda, The Gambia,
West Africa, Tel: 00220-4373138/ 00220-9902864, Email:
[log in to unmask]
Now. Let us move to the other issues. You have said that the preamble of a
constitution is not a living part of a constitution and that the people of the
Gambia did not support a constitution which undermines their sovereignty.
Yes that is my position and no constitutional lawyer would dispute the fact
that a preamble is just a mission statement or better put a declaration of
intent. It is part of the spirit and not the letter of a constitution. Needless
to say, where the spirit contravenes the letter of a Constitution the spirit
must become null and void. Those who wish to do a critique of the 1997
Constitution should focus on its letter in comparison with the letter of the 1970
Constitution. This is what Foroyaa did to enable the Gambian people to be
able to make an informed choice
Some people are still claiming that the People should have rejected the
constitution to defend their sovereignty?
This is one claim I find very difficult to understand. First and foremost,
those who truly wanted to defend the sovereignty of the people would have
opposed the suspension of the 1970 Constitution by Decree Number One and the
dissolution of the executive, the parliament and the political parties. Decree
Number 1 was the worst assault on the sovereignty of the people. The Decrees
were made to be supreme. This is what consolidated the AFPRC. From 1994 to 1997
it is these draconian Decrees which helped the AFPRC to consolidate its rule
without any sign of protest from those who were opposed to military rule. In
fact when we rose up against Decree No 1, we were criticized by leaders of
major parties as being hasty and adventurous. The 1997 Constitution did not
come into force until the new members of Parliament were elected and the
President sworn in. Before that the country was governed under the supremacy of
decrees. Even the Presidential and National Assembly elections took place under
Decree 78. Hence the 1997 constitution could not be said to consolidate
military rule; on the contrary it is the instrument which put an end to the
supremacy of decrees and restored Constitutional rule in 1997 when it came into
effect. Had the people not approved it, what would guide the return to
Constitutional rule?
Suppose there was a boycott of the referendum, what would have been the
outcome?
You should recall that the AFPRC wanted to stay in office for 4 years. Hence
if the referendum was boycotted the regime could have either restored the
1970 constitution or prolong its stay in office pending the drafting of a new
constitution. In My view, the AFPRC consolidated itself in 2 years by using
patronage to take over the party, youth leaders and the chairmen and chairwomen
of the PPP, NCP and GPP. If they were given more years to come up with an
ideal constitution they would have consolidated their position all the more.
On the other hand if the 1970 Constitution was restored, we would have
missed many of the positive provisions of the 1997 Constitution which are
currently being amended by the APRC government. In my view, once we agree that the
provisions of the 1997 constitution are more profound than the 1970 one cannot
give any legitimate justification for its rejection at a referendum. Even the
Gambia bar association acknowledged the superiority of the provisions of the
1997 constitution over those of the 1970. Needless to say, if there were any
forces capable of rising up to protest against the violation of the
sovereignty of the people they would have done so when the many provisions of the
1970 constitution were suspended and the supremacy of the decrees asserted or
after the referendum when the supremacy of decrees remained until the 1997
constitution came into force and made the decrees to be subordinate to the
constitutional provisions. The Gambian people had adequate opportunities to take
charge of their sovereignty before the 1997 Constitution came into force. If
there was a force capable of leading the people to assert their sovereignty it
would have won the Presidential and National Assembly elections or carry out
a mass uprising during that period. It is evident that any attempt to
attribute the consolidation of the APRC to a constitution which only came into
force after the APRC consolidated its electoral machinery during the
presidential and National Assembly elections is to replace facts with fiction.
It is claimed that among the opposition parties only PDOIS was allowed to
carry out civic education during the coup period. What is you reaction to this?
If Momodou Soma Jobe, who slapped an agric assistant for transporting
Suwaibou Touray to explain the essence of the constitution to the people of Jarra
is reading this, he would marvel at the lack of information or honesty of some
of our critics. The then Attorney General who pestered us to stop our civic
education programmes which he deemed to be illegal under the decrees would
also appreciate our ability to suffer silently to promote our cause and forgive
and forget when we have the upper hand. PDOIS like all other parties was
banned. We refused for Foroyaa to die. We never had access to The National Radio
to conduct civic education. We relied on the generosity of Radio One FM to
conduct non partisan civic education. Foroyaa also produced pamphlets and sent
activists to the countryside to educate the mass. Anybody could have done
what we did and we constantly call on people who could do a better job to take
over but nobody ventured to do so. Now those who conducted everybody’s
responsibility under tremendous difficulty are seen to have enjoyed privileges and
those who refused to undergo the risks and the hardships are seen to have
been deprived from conducting civic education. Justice, where lies thy scales?
What are the wages of sacrifice in the Gambia? Castigation and vilification?
Nobody gave us privileges during the coup. We were in the trenches fighting
for every ground we conquered for our voices to be heard. Instead of people
asking what role each political figure played during the coup and then assign
new responsibilities to each of them based on merit some accused us of being an
ally of the coup makers while others claimed that we got the masses to
support a soldiers’ constitution and thus consolidated military rule.
What more do you have to say on the 1997 constitution?
I wrote a memorandum numbering approximately 60 pages to the Constitutional
Review Commission stating our views on the debate regarding a new
constitution. I have made this a chapter in my book: Ten years of Constitutional rule in
The Gambia. Interestingly enough, no reference is made to this by critics to
expose our own proposals.
MARRIAGE AND FAMILY
THE WIFE BATTERER
Part 1
By Amie Sillah
They are two friends Catherine and Ramatoulie. They attended the same
schools from Nursery to University. Kate studied Law while Rama studied Journalism.
Kate is not yet married but she has a wonderful boyfriend, Ronald. Ron is a
true friend. He loves and respects Catherine. He believes in partnership
between the sexes. Rama is unfortunate. She married a bully, or wife batterer.
Dawda is a male Chauvinist. He distrusts all women especially those he labels
as being feminists. He hates the activists. He calls them marriage wreckers,
men haters. Dawda discourages Rama from practicing her profession. He is a
business tycoon. He lives in a mansion and provides everything for Rama. When
Rama pleaded with Dawda to practice her profession this was Dave’s response “
What do you need as a woman? You have everything a woman needs. Jewellery,
shoes, clothes, bags, a beautiful house and a fat account. What else do you
need? I hate working women. They can develop ideas. Concentrate on making babies
and taking healthy allowance every month. I give your Mum a monthly allowance
as well. What else would you ask for? Women go to Marabouts to ask for what
you have. Concentrate on family matters. Forget about going out there to
practice your profession. Journalism is dangerous. How many journalists are
killed in the world? Male journalists are at risk not to talk about female
journalists”. Dave hates Catherine with a passion. He does not want his wife to
associate with her. “She gives her feminist ideas. I’ll desist their relationship
”. He confides in Ousman his best friend. Rama is the submissive type. She
has no mind of her own. She totally relies on others to decide for her. What
happens to the marriage? Read to find out.
The Two Friends Kate And Rama
Kate and Rama were friends since Nursery School. Rama came to visit Kate.
Kate is a lawyer by profession. Rama is a journalist but she decided to be a
housewife not by desire but through coercion. Her husband Dawda forced her to
stay at home to be a housewife. She accepted it submissively. The two friends
discussed about love and respect. “Respect covered it all. In respect there
is love, care, non abusive relationship, compassion and empathy. My fiancé
Ronald is a living lover. We are courting for four years now and I like it so. I
am not in a hurry to get married. We want to know more about ourselves. We
have to ascertain whether we are compatible or not. Ron respects me. My
opinion counts in everything we do, all decisions of our lives. I respect him in
turn. I’ve asked him for time and he has given it to me. But look at you
girlfriend! Dawda is a graduate, rich and handsome. He houses you in a mansion but
where is your peace of mind? You are scared whenever Dave returns from work.
Girlfriend! You are not yourself. You are draining! You are a nervous wreck”.
Kate posited.
The Tyrant
Dawda entered his mansion in style. He met Kate along the stairs. She
greeted but he answered her rudely and impolitely. “What are you doing in my house?
Didn’t I warn you to leave my wife alone? You want to initiate her into your
feminist cult! That would be over my dead body. She is a married woman,
leave her alone!” Kate stared at him and refused to comment a word. She just
passed him and went away.
Slavish Relationship
The tyrant treats his wife as thrash. Rama cannot do anything to please
Dave. He condemns everything Rama does. Dave threw obscenities at her. She calls
her names. “Look at you! You are a bag of bones! You are as ugly as a
duckling.” Dave started to go around the house touching furniture and blaming Rama
for being dirty and filthy. He called her from the kitchen preparing food for
him. “Rama come here!” Rama rushed in a jiffy. “Yes! You called me?” He
showed her the furniture and gave her a nasty slap. “You dirty pig!” He showed
her some orange seeds. “Where you eating in my executive sitting room?” He
gave her another nasty slap. Rama ran for her dear life. Dave is a terrorist.
He batters Rama at the slightest provocation and he is irritated by
everything Rama does or says. She does not know how to avoid him. Rama is lost. She
lost her appetite and her self esteem. She shakes like a leaf in Dave’s
presence. Dave is a sadist. He enjoys battering his wife.
Complains About His Food
Dave criticizes everything Rama does. Rama cooked his delicacy and serves
him. He complained that it was hot. He left it to cool then he complained again
that Rama served him cold food. He got up and refused his lunch. “How can I
eat cold food? You either serve your food too cold or too hot. I have lost my
appetite!” He got up to go. Rama burst into emotions. “What can I do to
please you? You are torturing me and you enjoy it. You deny me practicing my
profession. I defy positive humanity and agree to your whims and caprices. I
stay at home to serve your insatiable desires but you refuse to appreciate. What
else do you want, my life? When I complain you say you love me. What is
love without respect? Respect encompasses love, sympathy and empathy. Selfish
love is limited love. You have wounded my soul and my body. I am depressed.”
Rama rushed to her room and locked it up. Dawda rushed after her. He was deeply
touch. He became defensive. “I love you that is why I married you out of the
multitude. I am sorry. I just meant to correct your clumsy ways”. “By
disrespecting me? Battering and torturing me? What have I done to deserve this?
You refuse me to work and yet you make the house hell for me. How can you say
you love me when you treat me like thrash?” Dave asked her to open the door. “
Open the door let us talk! I love you Rama. Forgive my excesses. I’ll make
amends. I’ll change. Open the door I need to sleep with my wife. I cannot go
outside. I have to have you”. He pleaded. “Here you talk! You battered and
tortured me and you still want to have good time with me? That cannot be. Both
my body and soul is numb. My heart is bleeding. Leave me alone!” Dave became
frenzy. “Are you denying me my right? This is undone! Supply on demand, is
the principle. I paid for your dowry. I own your body. Come to my room when you
are sober. I am waiting for you. Don’t try my patience. When I react you
blame me. I am waiting!” Dawda left for his room. He thought his trick will
work. He expected Rama to warm his bed. Did she go? Read to find out.
To be contd.
Another Death Knell For Democracy
By D. A. Jawo
It is indeed quite hard to understand why, while the rest of the African
continent is well on the road to democracy and good governance, this country is
moving in the opposite direction, as it is clearly manifested by the
unprecedented decision of the National Assembly to abdicate its responsibilities and
give such sweeping powers to President Jammeh to take over direct
responsibility of the administration of all the municipal councils.
What is even more ridiculous, are the sweeping powers given to him to also
remove mayors/chairpersons of councils as well as all other elected
representatives of the people. Of course, he did not need the National Assembly to give
him such powers, because he had already been exercising them without any
legal backing. We can recall that he arbitrarily removed the Mayors of Banjul
City Council (BCC) and the Kanifing Municipal Council (KMC) as well as the
Chairman of Brikama Area Council. Therefore, the authorization by the National
Assembly was merely to formalize what already existed in practise.
However, by allowing themselves to be used to rubber stamp such undemocratic
legislation, members of the National Assembly have clearly shown Gambians
that they represent President Jammeh’s interests instead of the interests of
the people who elected them. There is absolutely no way that anyone can justify
giving President Jammeh the power to remove people directly elected by the
people, just like him. I agree with Sidia Jatta that if President Jammeh is
given the power to remove at will those directly elected by the people, then
there is absolutely no point in anyone seeking election. This is just another
additional death knell for democracy in this country.
Of course, this sort of trend has been going on since the very beginning. We
have seen the government, using the rubber stamp National Assembly to amend
the Constitution and remove the provision that called for the election of
chiefs, no doubt after the regime realized from the Sami chieftaincy elections t
hat there was no way they can manipulate the system in their favour. There is
no doubt that the next move would be to abolish local government elections
and give him the power to be appointing people to manage all the local
government structures.
Therefore, this latest move is just a continuation of the trend to bring the
entire local government structure under the direct control of the President
so that he can continue to put in only those people he can easily manipulate.
However, with the negative role that the National Assembly has played in
helping President Jammeh to consolidate his iron-grip hold of all the democratic
institutions, the members have really abdicated their responsibilities to
the people of this country and as such, those who voted for that undemocratic
law have lost any credibility they ever had in representing the people. It is
therefore hard to see how the people can ever re-elect them when they have
clearly shown that they have no regard for the welfare of the people of the
country and they are ready to rubber stamp anything presented to them by
President Jammeh.
It is indeed a shame that while the rest of the continent is consolidating
democracy and good governance, we in this country are moving in the opposite
direction. With this latest move on the local government structure, it is now
hard to see the United Nations system contributing to our local government
decentralisation process, because instead of decentralising, we seem to be
putting everything in the hands of the president.
In view of this therefore, there is absolutely no way that anyone would now
take this country seriously when it comes to democratisation. We have shown
them that instead of moving with the tide of democratisation, we are
retrogressing to the dark old days.
FOCUS ON POLITICS
KUKOI VOWS TO RETURN TO GAMBIA
WAS THE THREAT REAL?
With Suwaibou Touray
We have been focusing on politics in general and Gambian politics in
particular in this column. We have followed the narration of political events from
the Pre-Colonial to Post-independence era.
In the last issue we have stopped where we said the opposition to the
SeneGambia Confederation continued to build up, pioneered by the PDOIS party; that
narrow nationalist feelings were also developing mainly among the youth.
Let us continue from where we stopped.
By March 1988, the West Africa Magazine based in London reported the
appearance of Kukoi Samba-Sanyang, the leader of the July 1981 upheaval in The
Gambia in a seminar in Senegal. This report created quite a scare when the report
mentioned that Kukoi expressed or renewed his intention to return to The
Gambia. According to the Nation, that issue of West Africa was said to have been
bought wholesale by government to prevent its circulation among the populace.
Kukoi’s coming was also linked to Abdoulie Wade, the opposition leader in
Senegal at the time.
When Kukoi was asked by West Africa Magazine why he staged the coup in 1981
and whether it was out of political frustration, which necessitated it. Kukoi
maintained that it was not as a result of political frustration; that the
question was no longer whether they could join a political party and win an
election; that their idea was, even if they were able to do things like winning
an election, they wouldn’t be able to do much to help the masses because they
had to abide by the constitution. Kukoi also opined that what could have
happened through elections would have been cosmetic changes in the system; that
what they wanted was to make radical changes; that was why they had in fact
suspended the constitution in 1981 when they overthrew the Government.
This interview by Kukoi created not only a scare in The Gambia but also
criticism from many corners. Foroyaa observed that some of the criticisms seemed
to be motivated by a power struggle between MOJA and Kukoi, but said theirs
differed from others in the sense that they were not engaged in any power
struggle with any party, and had no political grudge against anyone.
Foroyaa maintained that the repeated broadcast over the air linking Kukoi to
Abdoulie Wade, who had the support of over 290,000 voters, gave impression
that Kukoi too had similar support in The Gambia. Foroyaa also said the
revelation of Kukoi’s link with The Ghana Chief of staff and members of Libyan
Central Committee also gave impression that Kukoi could be here at any time with
the help of these countries; that instead of the state discrediting Abdoulie
Wade, the PPP regime was giving Kukoi more importance than one would have
expected under the circumstances. “The ruling party which does not sit down to
analyze situations and develop correct tactics was bound to take steps which
would make them attain the very opposite of what they intended” Foroyaa warned.
But the state at the time must have believed, to a large extent, Kukoi’s
pronouncement, because almost at that time, it had arrested one Musa Sanneh,
Amadou Badjie, Adrian Sambou and Ousman Sanneh. These people were taken before
the court and hearing commenced by 5th and 6th of April 1988. It was during
this period when a huge rumour spread that Kukoi and Wade met to agree to
overthrow both the Government of The Gambia and Senegal. That belief, Foroyaa
said, was promoted mainly by government officials. Reports coming from court were
that one Foday Sanyang, a witness, said Kukoi told him of such a meeting.
Musa Sanneh also said in court that he was asked by DCP Bah why he didn’t write
in his diary that PDOIS was part of the SOFA, so that SOFA would become legal
like PDOIS. Many people became agitated and said the state was trying to
implicate PDOIS. But according to records, Musa Sanneh said he was dictated to
say that but the special Branch officers also denied saying so. Foroyaa called
on its readers and PDOIS supporters not to be irritated by what was being
said about PDOIS in court; that only PDOIS could trouble itself by engaging in
something dubious; that it would be left with the judge to decide. The
revelation that the first prosecution witness, Deputy Commander of Police, Demba
Bah made in court that in his search of Musa Sanneh’s house, he discovered and
took out a Piece of Paper, handwritten in English, Captioned “POLITICAL POWER
GROWS OUT OF THE BARREL OF A GUN”. The contents as was read in court reads
as follows; “2pm, 17th June, 1987.” Political power grows out of the barrel
of a gun”. The time now demands the bullet not the ballot. This has been
testified by the fact that for the fifth time now, President Jawara has been
returned to power. PDOIS, which is trying to win power through parliament, will
not succeed. Before they become successful they will be crushed”. Foroyaa
maintained that whether Musa wrote this or not was left to the judge to decide.
Foroyaa maintained that they had heard people say that PDOIS would be crushed
when it first emerged; that eventually one PPP minister even promised to
uproot PDOIS after the 1987 elections; that the minister in fact seemed to be
afraid of engaging in debate with the PDOIS candidate for the constituency. They
however said to conceive PDOIS, as Lilliputian under the whims of the PPP
giant was to be an idle dreamer; that PDOIS was no more a tiny seedling
struggling for a place under the sun etc.
DCP Bah also told the court that in Musa Bah’s diary, dated 14 November
1987, he, Musa, stated that he was a PDOIS sympathizer and gave 24 sheets of
paper for the publication of Foroyaa. DCP Bah also said in court that Musa noted
in his diary dated 17th November, 1987 that he met S.S of PDOIS for the
purpose of extending greetings from Dr. Manneh, an alias for Kukoi but that S.S
did not trust him.
Foroyaa asked whether S.S knows that he was dealing with a Kukoi agent if it
indeed occurred. DCP Bah who was prosecution witness No.1 also said he took
possession of a letter dated 28 August 1987 which Musa Sanneh said came from
Kukoi through one Amadou Badjie; that it contained instructions from Kukoi
for Musa which, among other things to get in touch with S.S and Co. in order to
forge a link. DCP Bah told the court that where it is written S.S, Musa told
him it means Sam Sarr. Foroyaa maintained that since the court was on, they
would not make a comment.
Foroyaa emphasized that if they were to go by the report then it becomes
clear that PDOIS was not the creation of an outside force but an independent and
authentic political party. It went on to shed light on the report, which
stated that attempts were made to forge a link by 28 August but that this had
not succeeded. Foroyaa then promised to comment on the many unanswered
questions such as whether all these attempts in fact occurred. Was Musa distrusted?
And so on. They then invited all Gambians to write and question whatever was
in doubt to either Foroyaa or the PPP organ The Gambia Times so that it would
be clear that they PDOIS were not sitting on any letters.
Foroyaa continued its analysis and concluded that Kukoi’s insinuation that
he was opposed to elections on the basis that if his party won they would not
be able to bring any radical changes because they would have had to abide by
the constitution is without foundation. The constitution, argued Foroyaa,
left room for its alteration; that all that is essential to bring radical or
supper radical change was the overwhelming support of the people.
Foroyaa concluded among other things that, the one fundamental lesson that
should be learnt is, a person has to accumulate a reasonable quantity and
quality of historical and politico-economic knowledge before one can analyze a
given society objectively and draw correct tactics and strategies to facilitate
its transformation; that those who lack such knowledge cannot guide the
destiny of nations. In actual fact, Foroyaa said it would be better for Kukoi to
maintain his silence because his interview revealed unbelievable ideological
shortcomings.
However the long analysis and criticisms made by the Foroyaa made some
Gambians uncomfortable. One Kebba Sisoho in Banjul, quoting from Foroyaa said: in
your analysis, you mentioned somewhere that, “criticism of Kukoi’s interview
have started to come from many quarters and that, those we have read so far
seem to be motivated by a power struggle between Kukoi and MOJA.”
Mr. Sisoho assumed that those criticisms read by Foroyaa were those that
came from one Amadou Kabir Njie in Norway and one Tombong Saidy of the USA,
because as he said these were the two people who criticized Kukoi in their
letters to the West Africa Magazine. He expressed disappointment as to why those
two criticisms should give Foroyaa a false impression that they were motivated
by a power struggle between MOJA and Kukoi. Mr. Sisoho expressed his concern
among other things that; associating them to MOJA may make things difficult
for them when they come back home.
See next issue as we delve into issues of mid 1988.
Projected Supply of Pandemic Influenza Vaccine Increases Sharply
By Sarjo Camara-Singhateh
The World Health Organisation has recently released a news release on
vaccine supply on pandemic influenza.
Geneva — Recent scientific advances and increased vaccine manufacturing
capacity have prompted experts to increase their projections of how many pandemic
influenza vaccine courses can be made available in the coming years.
Last spring, the World Health Organization (WHO) and vaccine manufacturers
said that about 100 million courses of pandemic influenza vaccine based on the
H5N1 avian influenza strain could be produced immediately with standard
technology. Experts now anticipate that global production capacity will rise to
4.5 billion pandemic immunization courses per year in 2010.
“With influenza vaccine production capacity on the rise, we are beginning to
be in a much better position vis-à-vis the threat of an influenza pandemic,”
Dr Marie-Paule Kieny, Director of the Initiative for Vaccine Research at
WHO, said today. “However, although this is significant progress, it is still
far from the 6.7 billion immunization courses that would be needed in a six
month period to protect the whole world.”
“Accelerated preparedness activities must continue, backed by political
impetus and financial support, to further bridge the still substantial gap
between supply and demand,” she said.
This year, manufacturers have been able to step up production capacity of
trivalent (three viral strains) seasonal influenza vaccines to an estimated 565
million doses, from 350 million doses produced in 2006, according to the
International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers & Associations.
According to experts working in this field, the yearly production capacity for
seasonal influenza vaccine is expected to rise to 1 billion doses in 2010,
provided corresponding demand exists.
This would help manufacturers to be able to deliver around 4.5 billion
pandemic influenza vaccine courses because a pandemic vaccine would need about
eight times less antigen, the substance that stimulates an immune response.
Vaccine production capacity is linked to the amount of antigen that has to be
used to make each dose of the vaccine. Scientists have recently discovered they
can reduce the amount of antigen used to produce pandemic influenza vaccines
by using water-in-oil substances that enhance the immune response.
The progress was reported Friday at the first meeting of a WHO Advisory
Group on pandemic influenza vaccine production and supply.
The Global Action Plan Advisory Group, an independent, international
committee of 10 members, met at WHO headquarters one year after eight new strategies
to increase pandemic influenza vaccine were identified and published in the
WHO Global pandemic influenza action plan to increase vaccine supply
At the Advisory Group meeting, other progress on the Global Action Plan was
discussed, WHO reported it is setting up a training hub that would serve as a
source of technology transfer to developing countries.
The Advisory Group also discussed a new business plan which assessed options
for further increasing vaccine production capacity and reviewed priority
next steps. The three most valuable options include continuing to promote
seasonal influenza vaccine programmes, supporting the industry to sustain
production capacity beyond seasonal demand and enabling some vaccine production
facilities to change, at the onset of a pandemic, from producing inactivated
vaccines to live attenuated vaccines. Due to the higher yields obtained with live
attenuated influenza vaccine technology, facility conversion could, by 2012,
bridge the expected supply-demand gap and produce enough vaccine to protect
the global population within six months of the declaration of a pandemic.
LABA SOSSEH – The historical legacy of an African musical genius
Part 3
By Wassa Fatty
The roots of Salsa:
The “clave” instrument produced its own rhythm which predates Salsa music.
It was first known as the “Cuban son” music, but has its origins from the
slave plantations of Santo Domingo or Haiti. Haiti became the first land
liberated by Black people in 1803, when the greatest Black military genius,
Toussaint L’ Ouverture, led a twelve year military campaign against the Spanish,
British and French military powers and defeated all of them to liberate his
people from slavery. The beauty of this Black revolt was the defeat of the
greatest military commander in European history, Napoleon Bonaparte, in 1803. That
military defeat forced the rich French slave owners to abandon their
plantations in Haiti and fled to the Oriente province in Cuba with some of their
African slaves, who managed to carry some of their improvised musical instruments
with them.
The impact of these improvised instruments brought by the African slaves was
felt all over Cuba within a short period. The most popular form of dance
among the African slaves in Cuba was what was then called the “Danzon,” which
has been popular since 1879. In 1917, when the world was captivated by the
Russian revolution, in Cuba there were changes taking place too at the
cultural level instigated by African slaves. It was in that year that a new musical
style called the “Cuban Son” music and dance styles was born and
immediately dethroned “Danzon” as the Cuban nation’s favourite source of
entertainment. It was the introduction of the “Clave” musical instrument in the Cuban “
Danzon” which altered the rhythm to something more sophisticated melodically
and made the style of dancing more stylistic. The “clave” instrument removed
the music from streets to the orchestra dancing halls and made it more
appealing to the middle and upper classes of the Cuban society and laid the grounds
for Cuban music industry to become a creative economy as a result prior to
the 1959 political upheavals.
As the “Cuban son” music expanded its popularity into other parts of Latin
America, it absorbed other improvised African musical instruments such as the
“Bongoes”, “Marimbula”, “Quijada”, “Cowbell”, “Timbales”, “The Guiro”
as earlier mentioned, into the music and enrichened it further. The dance
steps had directions and became quicker and adding to it the “Palmados” or the
Flamenco hand claps. However, the addition of the “Maracas” or the guitar
sent the Cuban music to another dimension of cultural progress, despite the
political repression of the Dictator, Batista. The popularity of Cuban music, the
world over, was recognized by many and Havana became the heaven for many
Latin American music aspirants and dancers to learn their trade and orientation.
To graduate as a professional Latin musician, the dance halls and musical
venues of Havana, where the “Cuban son” was dominant, was the places to get
inspirations from.
By 1920, “Cuban son” music and dance has reached its peak. It was in that
year also the great Gambian born Pan Africanist, Edward Frances Small, led the
workers strike against colonial repression and exploitation, which shook
British colonialism to its roots throughout West Africa and laid the foundation
for modern politics in the Gambia. It was at this period too that the “Cuban
son” music arrived in the Gambia and other parts of West Africa brought by
Seamen, travellers, soldiers from the First World War and some of the West
Indians and Black Americans returning to the land of their ancestors. What
entered the West coast of Africa as music from Cuba was not “Cuban son,” but
Proto-Salsa music or early forms of Salsa. Because prior to 1930, Cuban musical
giants such as Ignacio Pinero began to compose “Son” music in the written form
which changed it from its purest form relying solely on “Clave” and “Bongo”
rhythms, he instead added the trumpets as the dominant instruments in the
music. Ignacio Pinero’s composition of his popular music in the 1930s called
the “Echale Salista” changed the “Son” music to Salsa. It was this type of
music that captured the mind of young Laba Sosseh in the 1940s.
The Salsa music took the world by storm and never stops to inspire to this
day. What made it more attractive was the style of dance known as the “Mambo”
dance it ushered into the dancing arena. (Understand that the dance was
called “Mambo” because the European slave masters thought the dance was childish
or foolish. The word derived from Mandingka) The “Mambo” dance in turn
popularised Salsa music to a larger global audience, specifically in Africa where
the people easily related to it. By the 1950s, the “Mambo” dance has
conquered New York City and leading Latin American musicians and dancers moved to
New York’s Palladium on Broadway. Among them were the Salsa greats such as
Machito, Millie Donay, Cuban Pete, Tito Puente, Tito Rodriquez and the best
known dancers such as Horacio Riambu, Joe Vega and Andy Vasquez, to name a few
and Salsa was turned into a formidable sound the world over.
Now what is the legacy of Laba Sosseh?.
Part 4
The Legacy-
The historical essence of Laba Sosseh’s contribution to African music was
achieved through Salsa music. He was a leading giant in the popularity of Salsa
in post independent Africa. If anything, he was the most committed
individual to bring home the music produced from the improvised musical instruments
our ancestors invented in the slave plantations back to the land of their
origins, Africa. Secondly, his creativeness in the Salsa music scene allowed it to
live longer in Senegal because he made it accepted, respected, appreciated
and owned by the people. It should not therefore be surprising that Salsa was
rechristened as the “Senegalo-Afro-Cubano” music. What this indicated is
that Senegal has succeeded in claiming ownership of what our African ancestors
have created in the midst of their social and economic misery in the slave
plantations. No African country has done so and credit must therefore be given
to Senegal.
When Senegal gained independence in 1960, Laba Sosseh was the cultural icon
of the newly independent state that was in search of itself. Senegal was
struggling to rebuild its national institutions after centuries of French
colonial miseducation and exploitation. One important area the newly installed
Senegalese government under the leadership of the late intellectual Head of State,
President Senghore, never failed to neglect was the cultural sector. Senghore
’s government prioritised Senegal’s cultural revival intellectually,
politically and socially. For Senghore, without cultural consciousness, no society
can advance. Again, for Senghore, culture cannot be isolated from historical
awareness. With such state ambitions for national development, Senegal became
the fertile ground Laba wanted to promote and popularise the Salsa music.
The Gambia, the land of his birth could not offer him that while still under
British colonial rule.
To sustain any type of music for decades in any society is not an easy task
for any band or singer, because the music must have certain characteristics
to survive long: The music must be appealing to be accepted; it must have
quality; it must satisfy emotions; it must carry messages of any type; it must be
a national pride and identity; it must express problems in all forms; it
must have feelings to sooth emotional pains; it must be responsive to changing
situations and above all it must create its own creative economy to survive.
Laba Sosseh carried these burdens as a musician for more than a decade to give
Salsa music a long life in Senegal and other parts of Africa. This was an
achievement.
Anything that has the potential to develop with proper nourishment will
develop to its full maturity. Maturity is the final climax for all things human
and the rest is to blossom through changing processes in order to continue
existence or if not to wither out of existence. This is what cultural history
taught humanity in its definition. Human culture is nothing other than
creativity and production for the survival of the future generations. Salsa music
was not immune from this natural process of existence and it has to produce
something more sophisticated in order to live on. Whatever later emerged out of
Salsa, Laba Sosseh will always be the source historically in the Senegalese
situation and experience if one looks at the historical links and continuity
of our music.
By the 1970s, Salsa has reached its climax in Senegal. It also coincided
with the departure of Laba from Senegal to Abidjan, Ivory Coast, and then to
America, where he won gold awards for his music. Laba did not return to Senegal
again until in the 1990s and found the musical scene so changed that he could
not recognize the city he once ruled as a vocalist. But he did not realized
that what he left behind musically was also responsible for the emergence of
the new sounds he heard in the city of Dakar and the little boys he mentored
in his “Star band” have matured to dethroned him as the ruler of the music
scene. Salsa did not die, but side lined to the periphery of the music
entities. He was welcomed back highly in Senegal and his song, the “El Maestro”
became an instant hit in Senegal and abroad, but he however could not push Salsa
up again as the dominant music as the new citizens of the Senegalese
population are now inhaling different musical oxygen.
How did these changes occur in the Senegalese music environment?
The changes that revolutionized the SeneGambian music have both internal and
external factors and I will come to that later. The departure of Laba to the
Americas in the 1970s left a gap that was filled by the bands that emerged
at that period and mentioned earlier in part 1. These bands in their own ways
have produced classics that are still sending minds back to memory lane
anytime they are played. Among these classics was “Esta China” by Etoile de
Dakar. “Guantanamero” by Number one. “El- Hombre Misterioso” by Eric Ndoye. “
Viva Number one” and “Gosando” by Number one. Most of these Salsa songs were
sung in Spanish and some in Wollof. But young Yousou Ndure’s song, “Tielly”,
even though he was neither the original singer nor the leading vocalist of
any band, signalled him as a future potential vocalist. The other classics
included songs like the “El-Carretero” by Etoile de Dakar. “Afromanicero” by
young Alhajie Faye and Laba Sosseh and the early songs of the late Abdoulai
Mboob and Ouza were part of the scene. What all these songs have in common was
that they were all Salsa music, but with something different. Watch it out as
the story reveals itself.
The factors that contributed to the changes were two fold: Internally in
Africa, there was crisis as the promises of the independence struggle did not
materialize. Radical youth movements emerged in many parts of Africa to
challenge the “Neo-colonial” status of post independent Africa. There were also the
anti-colonial struggles in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea Bissau and also
the struggle against the brutal apartheid regime, which all one way or other,
galvanized the radical consciousness of the African youths. What further
aggravated the situation in most African countries started back in the 1960s with
the killing of Lumumba in the Congo, the overthrow of Nkrumah in Ghana and
the assignation of Cabral in the early 1970s on the instigation of external
forces who saw radical leaders as a threat to their interest and installing
puppet regimes in their place. Externally, the Black Power and Civil Rights
movements struggling for Social Justice, coupled with the assasinations of Malcolm
X and Martin Luther King were equally seen as the same efforts of
imperialism to subdue the Black race. The youths began to politicize the internal
situation of their countries and protests and mass demonstrations took place in
the streets of many capitals, including Senegal and the Gambia. In Dakar it led
to the arrest and death of a student leader, Blonde Diop. In Senegal, no
musical group or band picked up the demands of the youths artistically to
sympathise with or use it to sensitise their grievances against the state. The
only one who came close to expound that was Ouza who never shy away from
controversy, especially when it involves the ruling classes. He was not given the
name of the “Bob Marley of Senegal” for nothing.
However, in the Gambia the situation was different for some reason. The “
Super Eagles band” had a better grasped of the youth frustration and sympathised
with them openly. When the band left the Gambia for a European tour in the
early 1970s, it turned out to be a disaster financially for them in London.
The late Fela Kuti and Osi Bissa already had massive impact on the African
Diaspora hungry for an African identity and social equality in Europe and
America. The radical Jamaican music, reggae, has already gained momentum and for an
African band to come and play European music to a mostly Black audience was
seen as a cultural confusion. The shows were poorly attended afterwards and
it was reported that the band members could not even afford to pay for their
return tickets home and some where left behind and still stranded in London.
From this experience abroad and the boiling anger of the radical youths at
home in demand for radical changes and continental unity, the “Super Eagles band”
responded by changing its name to “Infang-Bondi” and the “Afro-Manding”
beat was born and became the most innovative music in the Gambia and gave the
country an identity and pride. It ushered in the formation of the “Guelewarr”
band fronted by young Musa Ngum and individual singers such as Abdul Corr .
The “Afro-Manding songs such as “Xaaleli-Africa” (Children of Africa), “
Ovareier” (working class) and “Change the system” have entered the annals of
Pan African history as among the most dynamic songs in post independent Africa.
The Gambia could not nurture the development of the “Afro-Manding” beat due
to poor marketing and promotional skills. Besides “Infang- Bondi” shows were
held in poor and small venues in Banjul, weekend beach parties or shows in
other parts of the country. The music did not grow to build up a creative
economy to survive and diversify itself. To survive, like Laba Sosseh,
Afro-Manding beat fled to exile in Senegal to escape stagnancy. Its arrival also
coincided with changes in the Salsa music. The changes occurred early in 1970s when
the “Tamma” or talking drum musical instrument was introduced into the
Salsa music and it never became the same again. With “Afro-Manding” beat
knocking at the doors; Salsa music faced a challenge in the absence of the “
El-Maestro,” Laba Sosseh. To understand these changes, one need to go back to the
classics mentioned earlier and will notice that either from the middle or at the
end; the “Tamma” becomes instrumental in the music and changes the dancing
style or techniques to “Ndaga” dance form. The similarities with the way
Salsa emerged after the 1920s, when the “Clave” musical instrument was
introduced into the “Cuban son” music became clear at this juncture. In the case of
Salsa, the introduction of the “Tamma” into the Salsa music laid the seeds
that germinated to what it is now known as MBALAX music and “Afro-Manding”
beat gave the signals to this opportunity and created the necessary conditions
for its emergence. In all situations, changes have to be explained and here
it is.
The factors that led to the emergence of “Mbalax” varied, but some of it
can be attributed to the favourable conditions available from the early to the
mid 1970s. “Afro- Manding” beat was already hot in the Gambia and at the
same time in Senegal. Salsa was taking a different dimension. The guitar on some
occasions would inject the “Ndaga” rhythm in the Salsa tunes and with the
addition of the “Tamma” armpit drum the music never look the same again. The
rise of the late Senegalese vocalist in the early 1970s, Abdoulai Mboob, was
also a major factor, because despite the fact that his music was Salsa Music,
he mostly sang in Wollof, rather than Spanish, allowing the “Tamma” drum to
adjust Salsa music closer to home. The new situations in the continent in
terms of national identities that can relate to something African within
national boundaries, which the social movements brought to the political landscape,
was also instrumental.
For example, the “Afro-Manding” beat was associated with the tiny Gambia;
the Congolese music was associated with the Congo; “Afro-Juju” beat with
Nigeria; “Chimorenga” music associated with the independence struggle of the
then Rhodesia (Zimbabwe); there was something musically associated with Mali
(Rail Band); Guinea Conakry (Bembeya Jazz Band) and the anti-apartheid songs of
Masekela and Mariama Makeba associated with South Africa. In Senegal, there
was nothing that was Senegalese music. Salsa was popular and adopted; it was
however more associated with Cuba and Latin American countries than Senegal.
Therefore, the need for change for something national was more prevalent in
Senegal than in many West African countries. The young Senegalese musicians did
not look far to create what was lacking musically in Senegal. The Gambia is
just a border away and some of them such as Ouza, Yousou Ndour and others
visited the Gambian musical scene either to play or learn about the new changes.
They saw the “Afro-Manding” beat at its early developmental stage and
gained the insight, idea and vision of what was to be done.
Young Yousou Ndour had a better grasp of the necessity to change than many
of his contemporaries. Everything has been done with the Salsa music locally
and there was still something alienating in it and that was the Spanish
language. The end of “Etoile de Dakar” in the late 1970s and the formation of “
Super Etoile de Dakar” could be credited for the new development. The tense
battle between Yousou Ndour and Alhajie Faye after the break up of the first “
Etoile” band had fundamental effects on the Senegalese music history. The era of
“Mbalax” arrived and every band in existence in Senegal were forced to
convert to it and those emerging do not have go through the difficult road that
Yousou, Ouza, the late Pape Seck of Star band, Alhajie Faye, Gomez,Medoune
Diallo, Balla Sidibe, Ndiouga Dieng, the late Lai Mboob and the other great
pioneers experienced. “Mbalax” today is a national pride. It has created its
own creative industry and economy. It has expanded into other types of “Mbalax”
such as “Salsa Mbalax”, “Rock Mbalax”, “Jazz Mbalax”, “Reggae Mbalax”, “
Wrap Mbalax” (‘Tassu’ in Wollof} “Kwassa-Kwassa” (Congolese) ‘Mbalax’ and
“Folk Mbalax” among others with a single root.
The conclusion:
To conclude, it is time to lay to rest the argument that “Mbalax” music
originated from the Gambia. To say so and believe it is to deny the historic
figures such as Yousou Ndour, Lai Mboob, Ouza and others their contribution to
our cultural development. Secondly, to say “Mbalax” is a Gambian product is
an arrogant assertion in itself. There is no evidence to support this
reasoning other than the old argument that “Afro- Manding” beat came from the
Gambia. So what? The pioneers of today’s SeneGambian music were also listening to
the popular African Diasporan musics of James Brown, Otis Redding, Roberta
Flack, Etta James, Aretha Franklin, Wilson Picket and many others and related to
it simply because they could see the link between those music and the
traditional ones in Africa. In addition, the “Tamma” was used in the “Afro-Manding”
beat and did not make much difference as it did in Salsa. Further more, it
must not be forgotten that “Toure Kunda” band of Senegal also were playing
the “Afro-Manding” beat.
“Mbalax” and the “Afro-Manding” beat are African music with roots within
the same community, tradition and culture in the SeneGambian region. However,
both have their own unique qualities specific to them. The longetivity of
salsa in Senegal had major influence on the emergence of “Mbalax”. I think
this is where the role and contribution of Laba Sosseh came to fruition. We can
be rest assured that he will never be forgotten in the land of Senegal.
PRO-PAG On Message Development For MDGS/PRSP Campaign
By Amie Sanneh
The Pro-Poor Advocacy Group (Pro-PAG) on Thursday 1st November completed a
two-day workshop on message development for the MDGs/PRSP Advocacy and
Dissemination Campaign for The Gambia. The campaign will, among others, create
awareness and a sense of ownership on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) related projects and programmes
implemented by partners and aimed at meeting the national and international
targets.
In her opening remarks the Director of Pro-PAG Dr. Siga Fatima Jagne
described the workshop as crucial. She said without the development of an Advocacy
Strategy, they would not know what to do. She pointed out that every Gambian
needs to know the MDGs and PRSP. Dr. Jagne stressed the need for the increase
in budgetary allocation to poverty reduction through sensitization workshop,
the use of the media etc. She noted that appropriate funding is a crucial
factor if they want to achieve something and improve the lives of people. She
expressed hope that participants will develop a kind of message that will make
a difference in the lives of the people.
Speaking earlier in her welcoming remarks Adelaide Sosseh, the Chairperson
of Pro-PAG, said the workshop is important in charting the way forward. She
described it as a road map in meeting the MDGs and Vision 2020. Mrs. Sosseh
remarked that poverty is the first goal highlighted among the MDGs. She said
that shows its importance in the Global agenda. She pointed out that it is a
major course for concern that poverty is increasing. She urged participants to
fully participate in the process and contribute to eradicate poverty.
Throughout the workshop participants were engaged in-group discussions and were
expected to come up with advocacy and dissemination strategies on meeting MDGs and
the PRSP, which should show a remarkable change in the lives of citizens.
German National Convicted Of Child Pornography
By Musa Barrow
Birk Padberg, a German national was on Thursday 1st November 2007 convicted
of child pornography and related offences by Principal Magistrate B.Y, Camara
of Banjul Magistrate Court. Mr. Padberg who has been a regular visitor to
The Gambia since 1973 was charged with three counts. Count one, conspiracy to
effect an unlawful purpose contrary to section 371 (e) of the Criminal Code
Cap 10 Vol III Laws of The Gambia 1990. The particulars of the offence states
that Birk Padberg, with others, at large in diverse places and dates in The
Gambia conspired together to take obscene photographs of themselves and other
persons thereby committed an offence.
On count two Mr. Padberg was charged with trafficking obscene photographs
contrary to section 15 (9) of the criminal code cap 10 Vol III Laws of The
Gambia 1990. According to the particulars of offence, Mr. Padberg on diverse
dates and places in The Gambia was in possession of obscene photographs and
thereby committed an offence.
On count three Mr. Padberg was charged with child pornography contrary to
section 8 (1) (9) of the Tourism Offence Act, 2003. The particulars of the
offence states that Mr. Padberg, on diverse dates and places in The Gambia took
indecent or naked photograph of Rosaline Meurer and thereby committed an
offence.
After the charges were read to Mr. Padberg, he pleaded guilty to all of
them. However, Lawyer Jobarteh, the German’s defense lawyer, made an appeal. He
urged the magistrate that given that his client Mr. Padberg had completely
cooperated with the police during the investigation, thereby saving their time
and also shown remorse, his client be given the minimum punishment. Lawyer
Jobarteh further said that Mr. Padberg has got some expensive and immovable
properties in this country and is therefore contributing to the Socio-economic
development of The Gambia. On the basis of these facts lawyer Jobarteh pleaded
for leniency.
Given Mr. Padberg’s health condition as a heart patient, the counsel urged
the Magistrate to tamper justice with mercy.
In delivering his verdict, Presiding Magistrate B.Y. Camara fined Mr.
Padberg a total sum of twenty five thousand dalasis for the three counts brought
against him. For counts one and two he was ordered to pay seven thousand five
hundred (D7, 500) dalasis each. Furthermore, Magistrate B.Y Camara told Mr.
Padberg that such immoral and indecent acts are totally incompatible with the
customs, culture and values of Gambian society. He also told the German that
given his frequent visit to this country since 1973, one would have thought
that he would also contribute to the building of a brighter future for Gambian
children, rather than exploiting them. Magistrate B.Y Camara stressed that
although tourists are welcome in The Gambia, irresponsible tourism is not
encouraged. He further told Mr. Padberg that he had to thank the brilliant
advocacy of his defense lawyer, Jobarteh, for receiving such a fine.
Standard Chartered Bank Organizes Eye Screening For Partners
By Musa Barrow
Standard Chartered Bank on Thursday 1st November 2007 organised an eye
screening exercise for its customers and media practitioners at its headquarters
in Banjul. Speaking just before the exercise began, the Acting CEO of Standard
Chartered Bank, Mr. Wilfred Ntuba, said his Bank is highly committed to have
positive impact on the communities and the environment in which they
operate. He noted that in pursuing their business objective, they aim to contribute
towards sustainable development. Mr. Ntuba pointed out that by addressing
these challenges, Standard Chartered Bank could stand as a unique bank in the
market. He also revealed that to date, Standard Chartered groups have
contributed at least twenty two (22) million US dollars in community activities
globally. Acting CEO Ntuba stated that one of Standard Chartered Bank’s most valued
global initiatives are “Seeing is Believing” (SIB). According to him this
initiative was launched in 2003 and up to date Standard Chartered Bank group
has raised more than US 8 million dollars, which is enough to give sight to
more than one million people. He further disclosed that Standard Chartered Bank
aims to raise another six million US dollars over the next three years to
assist another one million people.
In this regard, Mr. Ntuba said Standard Chartered Bank, Gambia, in
collaboration with Sheikh Zayed Regional Eye Centre, had carried out the eye test on a
cross section of their staff, customers and the media. In address to this
activity, Acting CEO Ntuba explained that Standard Chartered Bank, Gambia,
would be volunteering at Sheikh Zayed Eye Centre next week. He noted that the
bank encourages employees to contribute towards the development of their local
communities by sharing their knowledge, skills and talents where the bank
lives and operates. Media groups such as the Foroyaa, Observer and the Point have
so far benefited from the initiative.
End of Season for Dawda Bah
By Modou Nyang
Finland based Gambian star Dawda Bah has played his last match this season
for club HJK.
Bah is cup tied, meaning he is not eligible to play for the Helsinki club in
the Finnish Cup (Suomen Cup) competition. Helsingin Jalkapalloklubi (HJK)
currently has any hope of glory this season left in the Cup competition having
finished in a disappointing mid-table position in the league.
And Dave, who has fallen in Coach Aki Hyrylainen midfield pecking order, is
not eligible to play in the clubs remaining matches in the Suomen Cup. He
played for former club KPV (Kokkolan Palloveikot) in the same competition
earlier in the qualifying stage before joining HJK in July this year.
Super Nawettan Battle Lines Drawn
By Modou Nyang
The fixture for this year’s Super Nawettan championship has been released,
presenting some interesting dates among the big Nawettan zones.
The Super Nawettan which is scheduled to start next week – Wednesday 14th,
will feature defending champions Serrekunda East against Kombo North
representatives Sukuta, at the Serrekunda West football grounds on match day one.
Whilst longtime Super Nawettan rivals Bakau and Banjul, resume their age long
football hostilities at the Serrekunda East grounds on the same day.
Last year’s runners-up Brikama will take on fellow Western Division
brethrens Gunjur on Thursday 15th November, at SK West and former winners Lamin face
Serrekunda West at the East grounds.
Battles to reach the last four of the competition will then resume two days
later when SK East takes on Bakau and Sukuta play Banjul. Brikama will then
square-up with Lamin on the next – Sunday 18th, and Gunjur face SK West at the
East grounds on the same day.
According to reports the Gambia Football Association has this year included
a new prize for the most disciplined zone and top scorer in the crowd pulling
inter Nawettan zones competition. A mouth watering D25, 000 prize money
awaits the winner of the competition while the runner-up will bag D15, 000. D6,
000 participatory fees will be disbursed to the remaining participating zones.
Each zone was earlier handed D4, 000 as preparatory fee.
************************************** See what's new at http://www.aol.com
To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface
at: http://listserv.icors.org/archives/gambia-l.html
To Search in the Gambia-L archives, go to: http://listserv.icors.org/SCRIPTS/WA-ICORS.EXE?S1=gambia-l
To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to:
[log in to unmask]
|