Sister Jabou Joh,

Please accept my apologies for this tardy response. Many many thanks
again for a wonderfully readbale piece. The clarity in your expositions
is exemplary. Indeed you had a whole load in your chest, but it was a
welcome torrent, needing no apologies from you.

On the whole, we both agree on a lot of things but I need to clarify a
few points, and then we can perhaps lay this to rest, especially as you
have made important references to NADD and our most pressing issues.

Indeed they all purport to act on behalf of national interest, even when
that invariably translates into the interest of a greedy minority.
Naturally, believing that Senegal should contemplate coming to our
rescue - a theme alluded to implicitly in especially the Tam-Tam show
Mr. Fye and yourself  helped arrange - is almost naive, to put it
mildly. But that matter is clearly tangential to the positions I have
advanced. Deliberate realism and the subtle nuances of diplomatic
arrangements is what, in the main determine the conduct of international
relations. But blunt fact is, it is ultimately the hidden hand of
military might that lies behind the expressed interests of nations.
Behind every McDonald's restaurant, we must discern the hidden presence
of a McDonell Douglas cruise missile, this observation, a seemingly
fresh insight from Thomas Friedman of the New York Times, is actually
old wisdom packaged in a new format.


But this realisation Sister Jabou is simply not enough. It is not just
okay to interprete the world and explain how it works. Our task as the
downtrodden lot is to change it completely. Senegal, like any other
nation "worth its salt" will act in pursuance of its interests. But when
that spectrum of interests infringes upon the sovereignty, the best
interests of other nations, then we must call Senegal's behaviour
imperious. This is what the global anti-war enterprise was all about.
The U.S and the U.K may frother all they want about the legitimacy of
the war against Iraq. The rest of much of the world took to the streets
to declare unanimously that it was all based on a pack of lies; that
their action was neo imperialist and a severe violation of international
law. Some opponents of the war have even sacrificed their lives to
reverse that aggression.
We should not expect Senegal to deliver us from our torpor, but if their
actions make it more difficult for us, them we must simply tell them so.


Another question wanting clarification stems from what you wrote:

"We must be honest in admitting that in 1981, the Senegalese army did not
just decide one fine morning to invade Gambia in pursuit of some national
agenda. They were invited by Jawara whose government was in the throes of being  overthrown, and they came in to resolve the situation and regain control of his government for him. I think we can all agree that in such a situation, an air communications tower at the airport such as the one where you brother Momodou were a trainee is one of the most strategic points in a situation of a  coup d'etats. Therefore, a Senegalese soldier commanding control of such a place was to be expected I would say unless the assumption is that the soldiers  should  have come in and work with the rebels instead of to honour the security pact  between the two countries and work to contain the attempted coup which by the  way they did".


Obviously, you are juxtaposing two seperate historical milestones. The
killing of Eku Mahoney occured in October 1980, nine months before the
July 1981 rebellion. People believed to be Moja militants, including
Koro Sallah were arrested and tried on flimsy charges. Senegal judged
the situation to be unstable and in early November they landed at the
airport and at July 22 square causing panic in the Gambia government,
which, just like the rest of the population was completely shocked at
their invasive, uninvited presence. To veil this cruel humiliation,
President Jawara went on air to explain the Senegalese military presence
as the result of a joint military exercise. Even "Faa Sana" knew it
could not be true.

Nine months later, they came again, this time after president Jawara
dusted clean a cobwebbed document on some mutual defense agreement. That
was an entirely different matter. It is true that Gambians killed one
another for all kinds of incredible reasons. But many were also killed
by Senegalese paratrooopers. Unfortunately, there are no accurate
figures anywhere. But trust me, I was in the midst of it all.


Besides that, I agree that NADD should perhaps name a flag-bearer.
Brother Lamin Darboe's and your own arguments are strong. Halifa Sallah
may be Gambia's finest gift to the world, but naming him NADD
flag-bearer might upset the arrangements and the spririt of
understanding that went into creating NADD in the first place. There are
many sincere individuals who sacrificed careers, jobs, and their
positions in political parties to cobble together the arrangements that
made NADD's MOU a historic document. It is momentous and honourable to
reconcile past differences and to forge a new composition for the
interest of the nation, temporarily putting on hold the evolution of
ones own party. Naming a flag-bearer is of great moment. But in my view
what is even more important is NADD's organisational preparation at the
grass-roots level. A well organised mebership, equipped with NADD's
transition programme, determined to push it through and capable of
holding a NADD government accountable to its promise and able to act
independently of the pressures from different politcal persuasions
(expected to surface after a NADD government is firmly in place). We
have seen how coalitions disintegrate once the common obstacle to
progress is removed from office. (Ukraine is a stark example).
Let us urge NADD to name a flag-bearer. But let us urge them also to get
on with the business of organisation-building. It is the only thing near
a guarantee that NADD's programmes will be carried out. Gambia is going
to need that.

Many thanks for a useful exchange,
Modou Sidibeh

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