02/06/2007 17:20 - (SA)
Africa’s founding fathers were living paradoxes
Ali Mazrui
IF a paradox is the appearance of reconciling opposites, Africa’s founding
fathers have been classical living paradoxes. Since 2007 marks Ghana’s
50th anniversary of independence, it is fitting that we should begin our
commentary with the paradoxes of Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s founder-president.
His major paradox consisted in being a great African, but not necessarily
a great Ghanaian. Nkrumah served Africa exceptionally well: organising Pan
African conferences, stimulating enthusiasm for African unity, asserting
Africa’s right to have a say in such global issues as the American war in
Vietnam or the conflict between China and India in 1961.
Nkrumah even asserted Africa’s right to participate in a world of nuclear
energy. He established the first nuclear research reactor in post-colonial
Africa.
Though a great African, Nkrumah fell short of becoming a great Ghanaian
because of his second paradox. Ideologically he was a Marxist-Leninist,
but his style of political management was monarchical. He adopted the
royal title of Osagyefo (Redeemer), created post-colonial Africa’s first
one-party state, launched Africa’s first experience of political detention
without trial, and the claim of superiority over the judiciary.
In East Africa, Julius Nyerere’s basic paradox was that he was far less
successful as a socialist than as a Swahilist. Nyerere was accepted as the
architect of Tanzania’s form of socialism, Ujamaa – Swahili for
familyhood. The ultimate strategy was to push Tanzania towards both
self-reliance and socialist egalitarianism.
On the whole, Ujamaa was unsuccessful. On the other hand, Nyerere’s policy
of national integration was predicated on pushing Swahili as the country’s
national language.
It is an irony that Nyerere became famous more for his socialist quest
but, finally, it was not his most enduring legacy. His lasting legacy was
the impact of his language policy on national integration.
The other founding father in East Africa was Jomo Kenyatta, the tribal
leader who unified a nation. The country was fragile because it was
divided and new; the leader was fragile because he was old.
But Kenyatta achieved more than most people expected in racial
conciliation in post-colonial Kenya, in reassuring different religions in
the country and in attempting to defuse tribalism.
In this last ambition of combating tribalism, Kenyatta was less
successful. On the other hand, he pushed more than the subsequent
presidents to make Kiswahili the language of governance, politics and
legislation in Kenya.
In Southern Africa, Nelson Mandela has been a major cause of Pan
Africanism in others while he himself is not a first-rank Pan Africanist.
On the other hand, while Mandela is Southern Africa’s first political
globalist, Thabo Mbeki is its first global Pan Africanist.
More than other regional leaders, Mbeki has identified not just with
Africans on the continent, but also with people of African ancestry
scattered from Helsinki to Harlem. He is global Africa incarnate.
But there is yet another paradox about Mbeki that is more widely accepted
among his critics in South Africa. Is he a man of the world but not
necessarily a man of the people? The argument is that, firstly, he is too
much of a technocrat to qualify as a man of the people.
Secondly, although he is not as much of a globalist in ideological
orientation as Mandela, Mbeki is by far more worldly-wise than Mandela.
While Mandela in prison was reflecting on the human condition, Mbeki in
exile was learning the ropes of world affairs. It is arguable that Mbeki
knows more about the world than does the average president of the United
States.
Does this make Mbeki in touch with the world but not necessarily in touch
with the people? The debate continues.
Mazrui is a world renowned political scientist, scholar and writer.
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