NADD FLAG BEARER’S STATEMENT
ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE GAMBIA,
PROPOSAL FOR UNITY AND RELATED ISSUES
Part One
Compatriots, sons and daughters of just humanity, the world over, The
Gambia, our beloved motherland is at a cross road. This is marked by challenges,
difficulties, dangers and opportunities. Our duty is to surmount the
difficulties and dangers, face the challenges squarely in the eye with a view to
overcoming them and making maximum effort to exploit the opportunities to make a
great leap forward in liberty, progress and prosperity.
The first difficulty and challenge to overcome is the decline in the
political integrity and openness of our motherland.
Section 214 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic states that “The Gambia
shall be a democratic state dedicated to freedom, peace, progress, prosperity
and justice.”
Subsection (5) adds that “The government with due regard to the principles
of an open and democratic society, shall foster accountability and
transparency at all levels of government.”
Section 207 (3) adds that “The press and other information media shall at
all times, be free to uphold the principles, provisions and objectives of this
Constitution and the responsibility and accountability of the Government to
the people of the Gambia.”
Under a functioning democracy press conferences by aggrieved parties,
headlines in newspapers and the electronic media, exposures in parliaments, public
outcries and threats of parliamentary inquiries and impeachment often compel
the executive arm of the state to be sensitive to public opinion. Impunity is
retained by the fear of having one’s misdeed exposed and one’s abuse of
authority reprimanded.
The most disheartening thing about the country is that National Assembly
members can be subjected to detention without trial; mayors can be detained and
suspended indefinitely. Newspapers are put out of operation and their
reporters subjected to detention without trial without any powerful instrument of
public opinion to restrain those who perpetrate these actions.
In my view, a nation that is mute about its grievances is a nation that
cannot surmount its difficulties and challenges.
Under a functioning democracy where sovereignty resides in the people, they
must have the freedom to participate in discussion and decision making on
matters that affect their individual lives and the collective life and welfare
of the whole citizenry.
A government that is determined to utilize the authority entrusted to its
members by the people to promote their general welfare must be tolerant of
being hammered from all sides by public opinion. This is the only way it can be
fully tempered to be able to address the needs and aspirations of the people.
In my view the only good government is one that can be criticized,
scrutinized and restrained from abusing power and perpetrating maladministration.
It is therefore necessary for public opinion to continue to call for the
release of those who have been kept under detention up to today without trial,
especially Duta Kamaso, an elected National Assembly Member and Mariam Denton,
a senior member of the Gambian Bar; the eradication of all the restrictions
on the press especially the Independent Newspaper and the cautioning against
all threats to the sovereign people of the Gambia who have right to freedom
from forced labour, movement and security of person. Only a government that
respects the people and acknowledge that sovereignty or power resides in them
can address the decline in political integrity and curtail the trend towards
impunity. This is the first point.
Secondly, the key battle for countries in the 21st century is the struggle
to build democratic institutions, practices and cultures. Section 214 (2) of
the constitution states categorically that “the people shall express their
will and consent as to who shall govern then and how they shall be governed
through regular, free and fair elections of their representatives.” Section 26
(b) adds that “Every citizen of the Gambia of full age and capacity shall
have the right, without unreasonable restrictions to vote and stand for
elections at genuine periodic elections for public office....”
It is therefore clear that the type of registration practice that is
underway where some party chairpersons and village heads appear to have formed a
compact to issue attestations that enables those who are not entitled under law
to get ID cards and voters’ cards is undermining the integrity of the
political system.
The under-aged youth and the non Gambians should bear in mind that it is the
vote that creates the representatives who shape the policies and programmes
of government and how to implement and administer them.
Those who allow themselves to be used just to corrupt the electoral system
must equally accept responsibility for the decline in liberty and increase in
poverty, fear and hardship of the people. What should be abundantly clear is
that the 185,000 children in our primary schools, the 66,000 children in our
upper basic schools and the 27,000 youths in our high schools deserve a
future in about 10 years time that provides quality living. They should not accept
anyone who provides them with food and green tea to eat and drink today just
to become beggars tomorrow. They deserve a life of prosperity in liberty and
dignity. They deserve to grow and work to live and not to live just to be a
tool to individual sovereign Gambians like themselves whom they should relate
to as equals. The time has past for mental slavery. The youths of the
country must liberate themselves. They must not accept party chairpersons leading
them like sheep with ropes around their necks towards the slaughter house of
poverty and marginalization. I have followed the registration of underaged
youths. I have followed the organisation of parties after the AU Summit. While
some of the schools are without adequate benches and desks and toilet
facilities. The food provided lacked adequate protein. The rice and oil were meant
just to feel their stomachs. Finally, a large portion is destined for the
pigs. I have trust in the Gambian youth. I am confident that with their votes
they will liberate their brothers and sisters, parents and people at large.
They will never accept permanent residence in the colony of the marginalised,
poor and wretched of the earth.
As for non-Gambians, it is important for each and everyone to know we do not
choose our birth places. This is a historical accident. Each person has a
right to a homeland. No nation is superior to another. No people should
subjugate another. We understand the plight of non-Gambians. We in NADD have spoken
against the arrest and transportation of non-Gambians in airtight congested
vans to cells where they are compelled to pay for Alien ID Cards or face
deportation. We have formulated a policy that once NADD is in control of the
country; all non-Gambians will exercise their right to belong to a society
established by the nationals of each country. The leaders of such societies shall be
democratically elected and the minister to be responsible for African
integration and the affairs of non-Gambians in the Gambia will liaise with such
leaders to deal with and solve all grievances. There will be no discriminatory
fees against non-Gambians resident in the Gambia. They will not be subjected
to unequal treatment in the rendering of services. In this regard, there will
be no need for non-Gambians to seek Gambian documents. They will be
enlightened to know the laws on how to naturalize if they wish to do so. This is
the way forward and non-Gambians should be part of the solution of the problems
of the country and not part of the problem. Maximum effort should be made by
all NADD militants to spread the NADD position among youths and all
non-Gambians in the country. This is the way to defeat the forces that are trying to
undermine change through the promotion of corrupt registration practices.
NADD will combine mass democratic action with legal action to deal with the
problem of corrupt registration practices. If Gambians really want change no
force on earth can stop it.
Finally, the difficulty or challenge that is uppermost in the minds of most
Gambians is how to overcome the factors militating against the unity of the
opposition. It is incontrovertible that a nation with a weak opposition is one
standing at the threshold of tyranny or national disintegration. This allows
room for retention of power by any means and the attempt to wrest power by
any means. This leads to endless treason trials. A weak opposition is also a
contributing factor to political instability and insecurity. In short
democratic change presupposes the existence of a strong opposition. Democratic
existence is also guaranteed by a strong opposition.
The best way a people can contain tyranny, fear and impunity is to be united
around a strong opposition. When a party in government calls on the people
and sees a few, then turns around and see the masses galvanized around an
opposition, it will have no option but to abandon the route of tyranny and seek
the route of conciliation or be removed from office by the people.
It is therefore of paramount importance for the Gambia to have a strong
opposition, one that can rekindle hope and give assurance that the fears and
hardship of the people can be put to an end.
Part Two
Now one may ask: What are the prospects for unity and how is it to be
achieved?
The proposals continue to come. NADD has responded to Dr. Saine’s proposal.
As flag-bearer I am inspired by the fact that the people themselves have
become the mediators.
A day hardly passes without men, women, and young people approaching me to
express their concerns. From these encounters it is incontrovertible that
people are interested in an alliance and not individual party politics. If I am
wrong I stand to be corrected. In no where do we find people promoting the
principles, policies, programmes and practices of their individual parties. If
this was the case there would not have been any need for consultation. In
short, it is the right of each individual to support the party of his/her choice.
On the other hand, individual parties may consider it necessary to forge an
alliance. An alliance may be done out of necessity or convenience.
In an alliance of convenience the partners can go their separate ways
without any impact on each other’s support base. For example, if the APRC/NCP were
to split today each is likely to retain its previous support base before
their Alliance.
Conversely, in an alliance of necessity the partners separate to their
mutual detriment. This has been the case of the opposition in Togo.
In my view, it is the situation on the ground which should determine whether
an Alliance is necessary or not. In some situations an Independent candidate
can even sweep the polls if the masses decide to turn their backs against
the existing opposition and ruling parties as had happened in Mali, in the case
of Tumani Touray and Guinea Bissau in the case of Vierra. UDP in the Gambia
is even an example of how an alliance can be forged on the basis of
necessity. In short, it is the members of the parties who were banned who decided to
establish the UDP and then select someone to lead who never stood as a
candidate. The wave enabled him to gain 34% of the votes. This confirms that
finding the right type of alliance is not an arithmetic or academic exercise. It
requires appreciation of the general political mood of the population in a
country.
To cut a long story short, at this very juncture one can traverse the length
and breadth of the country without noticing any encouragement for any
individual opposition party to contest the forthcoming Presidential elections. The
clarion call is for an Alliance to be forged.
Since time is against the opposition what is important is to gauge what the
two alliances are offering The Gambian people as the basis of unity and
express their preference of the best way forward before the end of July.
In this regard, it is important to note that the UDP/NRP alliance advocates
for a Mr. Darboe/Mr. Bah Presidential and Vice Presidential ticket. According
Mr. Hamat Bah the Alliance will empower Mr. Darboe to appoint his own
cabinet. There is no indication that Mr. Darboe as the UDP/NRP flag bearer will be
restricted to a one term limit.
On the other hand, NADD stands for the candidates of the alliance to be
determined by consensus or primary. In any subsequent negotiation such a method
can still be applicable. Furthermore, NADD calls for a cabinet derived from
representatives of member parties and civil society. Thirdly, the flag-bearer
shall be restricted to one term to create precedence for subsequent holders of
the office of president to accept a two five year term limit.
The NADD also calls for a National Assembly that can check the powers of the
president so that he/she shall not violate his/her mandate.
The UDP/NRP alliance has not spelt out how the National Assembly will be
constituted under their alliance.
How are these differences to be narrowed? These are the fundamental
questions we need to address with immediacy.
Conscious of the situation in the country, I wish to reiterate again that we
are going through the most decisive phase of our history. This is all the
more so when it is acknowledged that the regime is determined to cling on to
power by relying on all desperate means. The revelation that 94, 000 persons
have been registered in a supplementary registration of voters marked with
controversy confirms the state of crisis of the electoral system. Registration
has been suspended and is likely to be resumed while presidential election is
scheduled to take place on 22 September. The IEC Chairman was subjected to
such a high degree of pressure by APRC party operatives who were given access to
national TV to denounce his administration that he had to show open bias by
consulting the APRC leader without consulting opposition leaders. The
outrageously corrupt registration practices are naked to all eyes, yet some APRC
chairwomen are in fact using Rambo’s case to threaten some members of the
opposition who may not know their rights. The opposition is facing an electoral
emergency. The lesson to draw is that the opposition is urged by the dictates of
circumstances to unite. Five years under a united opposition which enables
any aspirant to prepare the ground to seek a future mandate is better than
five more years under APRC regime.
As far as I am concerned, I accepted to be considered to be flag-bearer not
because I thought I had a larger constituency than anyone but because I
thought that I will be accepted as a tool by all the political constituencies
which form the alliance. When I saw messages from some constituencies I declared
that I will be willing to handover my role to anyone who can be promoted and
accepted by all the political constituencies. This is my stand. However,
where we fail to find such a consensus I will not betray the people.
To conclude, allow me to take exception to any notion that I had stood for
elections and gain only 20%. I have never been a presidential candidate. I had
8500 to UDP’s 8000 votes in the 1997 parliamentary elections. I won my seat
without any alliance in 2002. I retain the seat under an alliance in 2005 by
elections. In my view, all votes are important and those who are really
interested in change will not be saying things that will antagonize others. They
will say things that will unite. Each of us has a duty to perform. History
will be the judge of us all. The future doe not lie in the hands of leaders. It
lies in the hands of those who make leaders leaders. It is for the leader to
propose. It is for the people to decide. There is still hope.
To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface
at: http://listserv.icors.org/archives/gambia-l.html
To Search in the Gambia-L archives, go to: http://listserv.icors.org/SCRIPTS/WA-ICORS.EXE?S1=gambia-l
To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to:
[log in to unmask]
|