Roundtable Talks on Goverance, Democracy Make Good Progress

Goree Institute (Dakar)
DOCUMENT

December 20, 2003 

Posted to the web December 22, 2003 


Communiqué

The African Peace Academy Workshop - "Freeing Guinea-Bissau from the trap of conflicts" - built around a project advocating economic and political transparency, has now come to a successful conclusion.

About 35 government officials, members of the National Transitional Council and representatives of all the major political parties and several civil society organisations made the trip from Bissau to work together within the walls of Gorée Institute for two long days of intense and informative discussions.

Among the parties, other than the provisional 'parliament' led by its top civilian member and vice-president, Iancuba N'djai (who also chairs the PST, the Solidarity and Labour Party), there were:

- the PMP (People's Manifest Party, represented by Faustino Fudut Imbali, ex-premier under the since deposed president Kumba Yala),

- the UNDP (National Union for Democracy and Progress), the PDG (Guinean Democratic Party),

- the PS-GB (Socialist Party - Guinea-Bissau),

- the MDG (Democratic Movement of Guinea, represented by Ivone Lopez Pereira da Costa, a former Minister of Foreign Affairs),

- the ASG (Guinean Socialist Alliance),

- the PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, the party founded by the late Amilcar Cabral),

- the PRS (Social Renovation Party),

- the RGB (Guinea-Bissau Resistance),

- PDS (Social Democratic Party), etc.

Present as well were Carlos Vaiman, the present Minister of Justice and Labour, and his wife Antonieta Rosa Gomes who represented the FCG-SD (Guinean Civic Forum - Social Democracy);

- Armando Tchoba Dos Santos Pereira, Minister of Communication in the Presidency;

- Higino Cardoso, who heads the National Electoral Council;

- General Gletche Na Ghanha;

- Colonel Abel Nbunde;

- Lt-Colonel Marcelo Oliveira Sanca;

- Luis Manuel Cabral who chairs the Guinea-Bissau Human Rights League;

- Thierno Madjou Sow who is responsible for several Human Rights organisations in Guinea (Conakry) and is the vice-president of the International Federation of Human Rights, and

- other representatives of Senegalese and sub-regional civil society organisations.

The opening ceremony was attended by a number of ambassadors or representatives of embassies based in Dakar (the United States, Portugal, Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, Guinea-Bissau...), personnel from UN agencies and other international NGOs, journalists... Mame Bassine Niang, Minister of Human Rights attached to the Senegalese Presidency, graced both the opening and the closing events with her presence, and brought encouraging wishes from President Wade.

After listening to fascinating reports on the present political situation (by Iancuba N'djai), giving us a breakdown of the state of transition - and by Higino Cardoso on the electoral preparedness, the national census that had been interrupted by the September coup, and what the immediate needs are - and after the obligatory opening speeches, the participants plunged into detailed analyses and proposals, identifying weaknesses and dangers.

I am attaching a translation of the final declaration, drawn up in Portuguese and French, agreed to and signed by everybody present except for two political representatives - one stumbled over a word found there or missed the taste of another he wanted in, and the other felt that he lacked the mandate from his party to sign. The themes, concerns and commitments are evident in the declaration.

For us - the Gorée Institute through its African Peace Academy programme, and RADDHO - who organized and accompanied the event, several impressions came through strongly.

1/ The level of mutual tolerance despite a history of adversarial positions and outright hostilities, among the parties but also between the political class and civil society and the armed forces, is absolutely astounding. They listen to one another, they accommodate each other's positions, they are willing to collaborate. In the process they have and are putting together a unique combination of forces, equally respected and considered necessary in the present phase (as expressed in the constitution of the National Transitional Council, bound by a Chart all subscribed to), and hopefully to be carried over into the post-electoral government: the political class, the military, civil society organisations. This could not have been easy. Several times there were references to politicians "inflicting violence upon themselves" in order to accept the other configurations and to work together for the good of the nation. There was no finger pointing and remarkably few recriminations. This national effort at large-based unity can be exemplary for Africa. It will be ironic - but so wonderfully welcome! - if 'the good news' that we all so fiercely want were to emerge from this small country with its turbulent history and its lack of resources. Indeed, similarities and differences with others in the region were several times pointed out.

2/ Guinea-Bissau is blessed with an abundance of political and intellectual talent. Too much so. The plethora of parties and formations is obviously a boon and a sign of great diversity and vigour, but what does this imply for the chances of an effective government beyond the first hurdle of national elections? No single party can possibly emerge as winner through the ballot box. It is understandable that parties are loathe to form coalitions or blocks, although there are several alliances present and in the offing. To be in politics is to have a job. Strong fears were expressed about "the tribalisation of the State," but as strongly people remembered that ethnic or cultural origin was not a consideration - though it may be becoming so. The State has obviously been strangled by a profusion of civil servants, functionaries, counsellors and representatives. The same is true of the army. Just about everybody seems to be an ex-combatant for national liberation, and most of them are in the armed forces. We may be seeing the sad results of a national liberation that was also a socialist revolution, making of the State Mother Milk-cow.

3/ The participants knew only too well that Guinea-Bissau is at death's door. The udder is dry. There is nothing left. (Maybe this realization accounts for the pragmatic tolerance, for 'imagining differently', for wanting to leap forward.) Those in the National Transitional Council (the 'Parliament') have not been paid since 14 months, the soldiers have not received anything for over a year now, they have nearly no electricity or running water, effluents wash down the streets. It appears that all the foreign donors have turned their backs on the country (except for the Portuguese and the French, who may have their own reasons). The participants knew that the process they're involved in is their last chance: if this fragile thread snaps the international community may well be indifferent to the dull thud of Guinea-Bissau disappearing into a dark hole, like Somalia... Curiously enough, there would seem to be no significant emigration; on the contrary, they have an influx of refugees from neighbouring countries. Despite these parlous conditions there was no plundering and no civil disturbances during or after the September coup. (Everybody agrees that it wasn't really a coup, just a way of nudging Kumba Yala towards the exit - he's still in the country and his party is in full exercise - but everybody also agrees that everything possible and legal must be done to make any future coup d'état a taboo.) And now? "People cannot vote on empty stomachs," was a cry heard again and again. To vote properly - and first you must find the means to complete the national census, to prepare the parties, to train electoral monitors - there must be social stability. Back and present salaries must be paid in order to achieve this stability. Where is this urgent help to come from? They have nearly no time. National elections are planned for 28th March, presidential elections come a few months later.

4/ People spoke of "la misère des casernes," the misery of the barracks. The general described army life as being in a pig-sty. That something must be done, urgently, to give the soldiers the means to survive with dignity and for those who retire to be integrated into an alternative life, was clear and unanimously agreed. But if the army's plight cannot be relieved, what then?...

Indeed, what now? Several suggestions were made. Most of them are in the Statement, if only implicit. Two concrete proposals did however emerge:

* That a lobbying delegation should be put together and sent on its way urgently. This delegation should reflect the unique composition and willingness to work together of Guinea-Bissau's activists: politicians, soldiers, civil activists. Maybe the group could be composed by members of the CNT who already reflects this combination and this coming together of expertise and willingness. They should be accompanied by two or three representative of regional civil society organisms - because the active engagement and support of the sub-region's civil societies will be important. One is talking of maybe 8 to 10 people at most. They should travel to the United States (the UN, the World Bank), to Europe (the European Union, both Commission and Parliament, and then on to a few capitals), and perhaps to Addis Ababa and to Johannesburg (for the African Union and NEPAD). The purpose and the goal would be to obtain urgent and quick support, for 'a nation in need of help.'

* That there should be a 'Gorée bis', a follow-up meeting, but this time in Bissau and immediately before the elections, grouping the same delegates and preferably some more, to keep alive the momentum for collaboration, for sharing positions, for combining the forces called upon to take the country forward.

GOREE DECLARATION

Following upon the September 14, 2003 events in Guinea-Bissau, caused by the systematic and repeated violations of democratic rules and those concerning the protection of human rights, which imperilled all the achievements obtained by the conquests of a people devoted to constructing a state of law;

Aware of the profound socio-economic, political and institutional crisis dangerously threatening the country, because of bad governance;

We the political actors (Transitional Government, political parties and civil society organisations signatory to the Chart of Political Transition and participants in the National Transitional Council), taking into account our role in the process of restoring the authority of the State which must come about through a global reform of the administration so as to accomplish the noble mission in the superior interests of the nation of Guinea-Bissau;

As signatories to this Declaration, commit ourselves solemnly before the people of Guinea-Bissau and the International Community, to recover and re-affirm the confidence of the country before our partners in the following terms:

I. Good Governance

a) To purify public finances and to promote political and social stability by paying and regularising salaries;

b) To promote all the needed initiatives for the adherence of Guinea-Bissau to the Mexico Convention against corruption, and to put in place these dispositions in our internal judicial system;

c) To strengthen the State's capacity for creating adequate mechanisms for the financing of political parties for the next and future legislative elections;

d) To follow up on the on-going electoral census process until its completion, as also the computerisation and management of data banks;

e) To reinforce mechanisms allowing for the reinsertion and rapid social reintegration of ex-combatants, as also to pursue efforts for disarming the civilian population holding arms illegally, for lifting mines, and including creating circumstances permitting a dignified remuneration and pension for military personnel.

II. Institutional Cooperation

a) To promote institutional dialogue among the various political, military and civil society actors, as also to convene a forum for national reconciliation;

b) To restore and consolidate a State of law and the respect for human rights, and to refuse the use of force for obtaining power;

c) To create a mechanism that will, internally and externally, monitor State institutions, and a West African observatory for continuing to follow the political transition process, democracy, good governance and human rights;

d) To promote dialogue and the coming about of a broad consensus for adopting a

Pact of stability and good governance among the political actors, the representatives of civil society and the armed forces, during the post-electoral period;

e) To solemnly reaffirm the engagements undertaken in the Chart of political transition.

III. International Cooperation

a) Given that international cooperation depends on the internal efforts of the country to establish the commitments made by the State of Guinea-Bissau to its partners, we solemnly commit ourselves to re-opening the dialogue with our development partners, particularly the European Union, within the framework of our traditional cooperation, the regional and sub-regional African institutions, as well as the organisations of the United Nations and Bretton Woods systems.

b) To establish a Follow-up Committee to the Declaration, consisting of Gorée Institute (as coordinator), RADDHO, the Guinea-Bissau League of Human Rights, and the UNTG.

Signed on Gorée Island, 20 December 2003.


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Copyright © 2003 Goree Institute. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com). 

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