Sister Ndey and All,

Forget about the profound analysis such as was pioneered by Buharry. Some serious and cool-headed journalists may look that far and offer sensible advice. But as for the two governments, its a grey area at this point in time.

Buharry went as far back as the 1981 uprising that was bloodily suppressed by the Senegalese, who were later duped by D.K. Jawara who since the 1960s precided over all the family feuds: skirmishes at the border, Senegalese beating of Gambian peasants, illegal confiscations of properties of Gambian travellers by customs officials, burning of the Senegalese flag by Gambian students in protest at pronouncements by Senegalese finance minister Nyass, violent demonstrations during Senghore's visit, etc.  There is a long and huge history of mutual suspicion and ferociously tentative saber-rattling that sometimes came close to cutting a Gambian or Senegalese throat before the hymns of our indivisible oneness is roared across the border as a prelude to a return to sanity. We are exactly there, again.

Senegalese irritation over everything Gambian is natural and permanent; and its first cause is colonial geography! Imagine how you will react if every time you have to get to the other side of your farm, you have to treck across that of your neighbour, who in spite of his foolish miniscule size not only charges you for "crossing fees" but also insists that you speak his language at official level. Otherwise, you have to walk all the way East to Tambcounda - as if to pretend travelling to Mali - then West again to reach Kafunting, a coastal village in the Cassamance just some 30 kilometers from Kanilai City. Does it occur to us that ALL Senegalese school children in learning to draw a map of their huge country (twenty times the size of Gambia) are forced to draw a map of the Gambia in the process?
 
Added to this "effrontry" is the incomprehensible constant smuggling of goods by Gambians across the porous border into Senegal. For decades Gambian profiteering from the re-export trade remained a menace to Senegal's efforts at lowering its trade deficit. 

For the long-term, this issue as well as more recent troubles on tariffs and transportation matters mentioned by Buharry need to be seriously adressed. But for the moment, to Senegal's chagrin, Gambia is going to drag her to the FIFA and CAF courts for reparations. The Gambian leadership will relish this moral victory and both countries eventually would go through the ritual of brotherly embrace, our cultural and ethnic affinity would be summoned and re-proclaimed over radio and TV once again, the tragedy of the recent violence will be pronounced a major intervention by "seytane", and Gambians will go back to watching Senegalese TV. Until the next incident.

As for Gambia, we will go back to swearing about the unrelenting price hikes and god-forsaken traders who are ever more increasingly and arrogantly insisting on U.S dollars as legal tender as a government that sees, hears, tells us no solutions but broods on about our lazybones. Unfortunately, this football is opium for the people, just like the growing religious fanaticism which now consumes all our emotional energies for lack of conduits to channel them to their proper circuit: the destructive politics of reaction consuming our nation like a cancer.

 Senegal was genuinely appreciative of Gambian solidarity following the sinking of the Joola off the coast of Sanyang in which more than a thousand Sengalese nationals lost their lives. But that very tragic accident itself is a sober illustration of the tragic consequence of colonial borders. Senegal had hoped that Gambia would collapse as a viable nation in the sixties to pave the way for a U.N sanctioned annexation of the smaller country. But when Gambia survived, Senegal's permanent nightmare began. Gambians need to understand the psychological roots of Senegalese arrogance towards them. Senegal recognises Gambian sovereignty as a fact of International law, but that recognition has been difficult to respect culturally and geopolitically. That is the bitter medicine Senegal has to swallow. Gambian foreign policy toward Senegal needs to be sensitive to these considerations as a way of constantly greasing and nurturing good-neighbourliness. Where governments fail, the universities in both countries can initiate extracurricualr programs, say on SeneGambian history even as national wrestling (more indegenous than football!) contests continue. 

Momodou S Sidibeh
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