Dr. Saine:
This is quite an informative piece. It has the potential to serve as a
blue print for the realization of The Gambia we all aspire. Splendid job. I
only hope the the gov't takes due notice, for The Gambia is truly at a
crossroads as you've aptly pointed out. Thanks again.
Ous Ngum
Columbus, OH
On Wed, 14 Nov 2001 17:57:08 -0500, [log in to unmask] wrote:
> G-L Community:
>
> Here are the last two sections of the paper I promised to send earlier.
> For those interested in the longer paper, feel free to contact me
> privately. As
> usual comments and criticisms are welcome.
>
>
> "The Gambia and the Political Economy of Globalization: Prescriptions
> for a "New Order in the Twenty-First Century."
>
>
> III. The Gambia At a Crossroads: Prescriptions for the Twenty-first
> Century.
>
>
> At the dawn of the Twenty-first century, The Gambia and Gambians find
> themselves in an unenviable position both politically and economically.
> The Gambia is at a crossroads in which the choices are simple and
> clear. The Gambia and Gambians can continue to leave their affairs of
> state and economy to be managed from the outside by international
> financial institutions or go back to the drawing board to create a new
> vision of relative economic prosperity and political stability. The
> inherited economic and political structures from earlier centuries were
> not the making of Gambians and thus, cannot be expected to serve them
> well. It would be equally naïve to expect the IMF and the World Bank,
> in spite of their rhetoric and ideology to serve the interests of
> Gambians and Africans alike. They were not created to serve that
> purpose.
>
> Since World War II, the propagation of Western values and interests have
>
> been so much a part of development discourse. The unwitting adoption of
>
> this ideology by many Third World leaders and policy makers must change,
>
> and change it must in The Gambia. This is because aid and technical
> assistance continue to be framed in ethnocentric narratives. It is also
>
> clear that Western aid, technical assistance and altruism disregard
> Third World philosophical and moral assumptions and assume that failed
> development policies initiated and imposed by the West are in the end
> better that what “developing countries” would have otherwise initiated.
> The West has enjoyed this hegemonic power and takes it ideas and
> strategies as the only viable response to domestic global
> circumstances. Many Western policy-makers have also ceased to consider
> alternative strategies appropriate for countries like The Gambia. This,
>
> Gambians must do for themselves.
>
> Thus, The Gambia and its people must reclaim the power that was long
> surrendered to outsiders and use it confidently to determine what
> development and political arrangements most suit their needs and
> interests. After all, The Gambia and its people have been “independent”
>
> for over thirty years and must now decided and graduate from having
> others decide for them. Technical assistance and economic aid will have
> lasting positive effects only when it complements a well thought out and
>
> articulated national policy. It is in this context that Gambians from
> all walks of life must dialogue about the future course of the country
> and take “the road less traveled.” This is not to suggest, however, that
>
> Western interest is always cynical or self-serving or do not have a role
>
> to play. Rather, what I am arguing is that The Gambia and Gambians must
>
> move away from the footless posturing as spectators to the proactive
> role of participants in decisions that will shape the future of The
> Gambia and its peoples.
>
> At the helm must be a creative leadership that is willing to experiment
> and possibly fail before a desirable outcome is realized. A leadership
>
> sophisticated enough to debate and be informed by the resulting
> information. This could result in freshly developed visions for The
> Gambia. Consequently, the skills, knowledge of all Gambian, but
> especially Gambian intellectuals and students must be utilized. The art
> of debate and critical thinking in particular, the deconstruction of
> relations of power, control in the domestic and international systems
> must be made clear and understandable to all. Increased awareness based
>
> on critical analysis and assessment of global forces are important.
> Without it, the road traveled could be treacherous. This requires a
> political system premised on freedom of expression and academic freedom
> to challenge held dogma. Gambians must rebuild a democracy based on the
>
> long cherished principle of “debate” as reflected in the “Bantaba”
> (Mandinka) or “Datte” ( 'ollof). Improved political and economic
> systems that have at their core the provision of basic needs for all
> Gambians and all who may reside within its borders must be given
> priority. It is this caliber of leadership that is most suited to
> guiding The Gambia into the twenty-first century.
>
> International institutions and partners who can help achieve these goals
>
> would be welcome, but the policy-makers must critically analyze the aid
> and technical services provided. Aid must not be accepted just because
> it is rendered, especially if it has potential of distorting national
> goals and objectives. More importantly, The Gambia must get off the
> international welfare line and break the cycle of dependence on
> handouts. This “culture of dependence” stunts creativity and saps
> national-self-reliance initiatives. Gambians are a proud and hardworking
>
> people who have been failed by their leaders and time has come when
> their interests take priority.
>
> The new leadership’s first priority must be to reestablish fundamental
> freedoms, rehabilitate the economy and once more provide opportunities
> for self-improvement. This must not be left to market forces alone.
> While the latter has encouraged some important productivity gains, it is
>
> by no means clear that laissez-fair capitalism is the only, or the most
> effective, way to provide for human security and democracy. Moreover,
> neoliberal strategies often minimize deliberate efforts to reduce
> inequities that result from social and economic arrangements. In fact,
> neoliberal policies have often exacerbated rather than alleviated
> suffering and pain of the poor (Scholte, 2000). And unlike economic
> policy of both republics, new government policy must be active in
> rooting out gross inequalities. If these important national priority
> objectives are left to the forces of globalization alone, it would more
> than likely serve the interests of the privileged and undermine the
> position of the weak.
>
> A redirection of globalization away from neoliberal policies is
> therefore desirable and notwithstanding the rhetoric, substantial
> possibilities exist to develop policy tools and political support to
> pursue alternatives to globalization. The answer may lie in a dual and
> somewhat paradoxical strategy that involves the expansion of democracy
> and democratic norms to change the policy structures of international
> agencies and fora while at the same time increasinging the scale of
> production in order to institute self-management nationally and
> locally. Increasing the scale of production would entail among other
> things, a shift toward more inward looking economic strategies, but also
>
> forming new economic relations of cooperation with Senegal and
> neighboring states in the sub-region. Powerful minds, people and
> institutions must be changed and resources be committed to this
> endeavor. Approaches to globalization and restructuring could be
> reoriented internally so as to give priority to the provision of health,
>
> food security, shelter, employment and human dignity. Debt relief
> monies could target these national goals. The Gambia’s relatively small
>
> size, ethnic harmony, abundant human and natural resources are a good
> basis upon which to build a solid foundation to achieving these national
>
> goals. The democratic process must be enhanced to give voices to the
> marginalized. A new leadership must not only be committed to removing
> the crippling vestiges of gender inequality, archaic cultural practice
> and exploitation, but the government must be perceived to be active in
> bringing about their end.
>
> The program of reform sketched out here represents a viable but by no
> means the only alternative to neoliberalism and unchecked
> globalization. Yet, there are powerful advocates who support the
> continuance of the status quo with fundamentalist fervor. These vested
> interests cannot be easily moved and it will take clarity of vision,
> creativity and the goodwill of Gambians at home, the Diaspora and its
> international supporters to see these reforms through. Institutional
> capacity is of the essence. Today, unlike the immediate period after
> independence, Gambian nationals are trained in all the professions and
> have acquired and continue to acquire skills and sophistication to be
> effectively utilized in this period of national reconstruction.
> Inducements to these individuals to return home must be made attractive
> by government. But the political and other infrastructure must be put
> in place to earn the confidence of this population. Those that cannot
> return immediately could share their knowledge as technical experts.
>
> Ultimately, the encouragement by government must be for Gambians abroad
> to be more active in promoting development in the country of their
> birth. A thoughtful, stable and people-focused, domestic policy
> framework for the twenty-first century, is the surest way of attracting
>
> Gambians in the Diaspora to both invest hard earned financial capital
> and skills. This is one way for The Gambia to benefit from the process
> of globalization. To be sure, implementing an alternative development
> strategy and vision for The Gambia could face major political obstacles
> from groups in society, powerful states and global institutions that
> have vested interests in keeping the status quo. It will take skill,
> confidence, not arrogance and honesty to sell this alternative strategy
> and vision.
>
> IV Conclusion
>
> This paper sought to assess The Gambia’s prospects and limits for
> development in an increasingly integrated world economy. It addresses
> the “new thinking” needed in The Gambia to arrest and reverse, the
> country’s deepening poverty and “culture of dependence” on “development
> partners,” the IMF and World
> Bank. It contends that the incorporation of the Senegambia region and
> The Gambia, in particular, into the global capitalist economy of the
> mid-1800s, must be the starting point of any serious analysis of the
> country’s post-colonial political and economic challenges. The paper
> also contends, paradoxically, that The Gambia needs to position herself
> to leverage the opportunities from “globalization.” For this to occur,
>
> however, a new leadership is required, a leadership that is both
> assertive and creative to think “outside the box” of received dogma to
> satisfy the basic needs of the Gambian populace. This comes at a time
> when The Gambia is going through major crises, and finds itself at a
> crossroads between two stark choices. The first choice is to continue
> in its current development trajectory and harvest the same woes that
> have
> afflicted it since independence. The second choice is to chart a new
> course of development action that has at its core the needs and
> interests of Gambians, and convince The Gambia’s true “development
> partners” to support this new vision. This is important, because the
> current neoliberal rhetoric of open markets and a minimalist state
> system often
> reinforce existing suffering and pain for the most vulnerable in poor
> countries.
>
> Additionally, the state must take an active role in social and economic
> policy to ameliorate pre-existing and continuing vestiges of inequality
> and exploitation. Regrettably, neither the first republic under Jawara,
>
> nor the second under Jammeh, sought to overcome these problems despite
> the promises of the “Gateway Project” and the rhetoric of “Vision
> 2020.” These development schemes could never have had their intended
> outcomes because of their unrealistic basic assumptions. This is
> because, the economic experience of most African countries since
> independence has been rooted in their continued dependence on exporting
> agricultural commodities or minerals whose prices have fluctuated
> frequently on the world market (Khapoya, 1994). This must be reversed
> and gradually replaced with an inward looking strategy derived from
> Gambian norms and culture. Furthermore, an important reason why these
> projects("Gateway" and "Vision 2020") have not succeeded, is because
> their underlying assumptions are alien to the social and economic system
>
> they sought to improve (Saine, 1997). The time has come for The Gambia
> to be assertive about what it wants as opposed to being dictated to by
> lending agencies that reduce her policy-makers to bystanders. Also,
> Western ethnocentrism as reflected in both the ideology and practice of
> development aid must be countered by alternative and practicable visions
>
> of development. This is where new thinking is most needed and all
> Gambians have an important role in this task.
>
> In this regard, it is crucial that a culture of open expression, debate,
>
> tolerance of different views and critical thinking be engendered to
> overcome decades of intellectual dependence and unproductivity. And to
> encourage discussion and dialogue that aims at deconstructing power
> relationships in the domestic and global political economy in order to
> make them understandable to the populace. Because these reforms are
> bound to be opposed by domestic and international voices that have a
> stake in their maintenance. And because the reforms will require
> sacrifices, the population’s support and understanding of underlying
> goals would be crucial to success.
>
> Today, unlike any other time in its history, The Gambia stands at a fork
>
> on the road. Gambians can take the easy way out or take “the road less
> traveled.” But unlike the years following independence, today Gambians
> at home and abroad have amongst them well trained professionals who,
> together with the new leadership, can begin to put in place reforms to
> avert an impending disaster. Government must, therefore, establish
> programs to induce Gambians abroad to return home to share their varied
> talents and to enable those that cannot relocate immediately to consult
> and share their expertise in their chosen professions.
>
> The time is long gone to continue to think of The Gambia as a poor
> country. Size notwithstanding, the country is endowed with human,
> water, marine and other resources that when wisely utilized can begin to
>
> turn around the tide of underdevelopment. And unlike many countries in
> the world, The Gambia is not riddled with bloody ethnic, religious,
> racial and other tensions or severe social inequalities. These serves
> as a good foundation on which to build this new vision and strategy.
> The Gambia’s location, and its water and marine resources unlike Chad’s
> for instance, is a major boon for development. And contrary to the
> generally held view, there is no evidence to suggest that countries
> better endowed on the continent are any better of socially and
> economically. In fact, in many of these countries in Africa and
> elsewhere, abundant wealth has been the fuel for civil wars and ethnic
> cleansing. Additionally, there is little evidence to suggest a positive
>
> correlation between wealth and happiness, or between how much wealth one
>
> accumulates and personal happiness. And as we enter this twenty-first
> century, it is important to determine what is truly important both at
> the personal and national levels. For The Gambia, the answers could lie
>
> in sensible political, economic and social policies that build upon our
> most cherished values, i.e., belief in God, love of family and progress
> through hard work.
>
> Abdoulaye Saine
> Department of Political Science
> Miami University
> Oxford, OH 45056
> (513) 529-2489(O)
> (513) 529-1707(fax)
>
> <<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>
>
> To view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface
> at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html
> To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to:
> [log in to unmask]
>
> <<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>
______________________________________________________________________________
Send a friend your Buddy Card and stay in contact always with Excite Messenger
http://messenger.excite.com
<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>
To view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface
at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html
To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to:
[log in to unmask]
<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>//\\<<//\\>>
|