Jabou,
You've spoken for me! I was going to say exactly what you've said. Thank
you.
Saul.
>From: Jabou Joh <[log in to unmask]>
>Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list
><[log in to unmask]>
>To: [log in to unmask]
>Subject: Re: Some useful comments/observations
>Date: Sat, 13 Nov 1999 11:12:53 EST
>
>Ebrima,
>
>Thanks again for the very insightful piece.
>
>It is true that a transition does limit the liberties that the present
>government can take in terms of taking the law into their own hands.As a
>civilian government, they will have to heed the voice of the international
>community, or at least be liable for prosecution either in a Gambian court
>of law ( no high hopes there) , or an international one once they are out
>of
>power, instead of getting away with crimes under the guise of "emergency
>powers".That is the only saving grace here.
>
> It still leaves the Gambian people with a very sad situation though,
>"between a rock and a hard place" as they say,and l believe that this is
>the
>point that was being put forth. We did have a new constitution, but yet,
>did not the government make some changes in it, on their own to protect
>themselves? Have they not continued to have incidents like that of Mr
>Nyassi, as well as continued stifling of free speech in various forms? l
>think he was released, not because the government thought they would be
>answerable in a Gambian court of law, but because the incident was
>publicised
> World-wide and at least the British government made an intervention for
>his
>release. Infact, the NIA officers who testified at the hearing knowingly
>lied about having anything to do with his whereabouts. The Judges'
>findings
>based on the evidence led him to the conclusion that those representing
>the
>government were infact lying. Has Mr Nyassi had his day in court to
>address
>the abuse he was subjected to? Did Citizen's FM really have a fair and
>impartial hearing on their case?
>Are the reported seizure of passports being investigated? What about
>missing
>funds, or Koro Ceesay's murder? Where are the Gambian courts of law, and
>are
>they free to pursue these cases on behalf of the people without any fear
>from the repercussions? All these incidents took place after so called
>"civilian rule".
>
>In short, we still have long way to go, and statements like those made by
>Yankuba Touray regarding the outcome of elections, definitely seems to
>indicate to us that we have gone deeper into the belly of the beast. The
>reasons described here as the ones that led to Jammeh being voted into
>office
>leaves me with a profound sense of sadness. Here we were clearly forced or
>intimidated into voting for him just to avoid the wrath of his military
>goons
>on the general populace, and it looks like they will go to any lengths to
>stay right where they are. Their's is clearly still a military
>dictatorship
>in civilian clothes, a wolf in sheep's clothing if you will, and l
>truely
>wonder just how much better off we really are. We all wonder how much
>better
>off we really are.
>
>Jabou Joh
>
> Gambia L,
>
> As I stated in a previous posting to the L, I am not holding a brief for
>Mr
> Jammeh on this matter.
>
> However, for the sake of a healthy debate, I'll react to the
>points/concerns
> raised by brothers Musa Jeng and Saiks Samateh.
>
> But before giving my reaction, I must say that for me it is very
>encouraging
> to observe that the Gambian mind has now become more fact-finding, more
> cross-questioning and more empirical.
>
> Gambians are now, more than before, asking very relevant questions,
> listening more attentively, and dissecting issues more carefully, in
>order
> to be in a better position to discern the truth from the sham.
>
> It is also refreshing to observe on the L, nowadays, that despite our
> differences in thoughts and beliefs, we are now beginning to debate in a
> more healthy manner. That's very reassuring, and we certainly need to
> maintain the habit.
>
> Henceforth, let us try and listen to each other's views, even if one does
> not subscribe to such views. Tolerating your opponent's views, if I may
>put
> that way, does no harm to you, of course, provided that such views are
> expressed respectfully.
>
> In fact, I am reminded, at this point, of what the celebrated African
> American scholar, William E.B Du Bois, said in one his numerous speeches.
>
> To paraphrase it, he said that in order to get to the facts, it was
> necessary that we listened to not only what we believed, but also what we
> did not believe.
>
> Now, let me try and respond to the issues raised by Saiks and Mr Jeng.
>
> In my piece titled, "Some useful comments/observations", I had made the
> following statement: "That the fundamental question to be asked now, in
>my
> view, is whether a badly flawed transition was preferable to a
>continuation
> of undiluted military rule."
>
> I had concluded as follows: "That in my view, and in the view of many
> observers of the Gambia's political scene, in spite of all its
> imperfections, the change did mark a limited movement away from military
> dictatorship and toward a kind of 'liberalised authoritarianism'."
>
> Now, Mr Jeng wanted me "to revisit the thought process behind the
>phrase."
>
> Semantic aside, he also asked me whether the people are better of with
>one
> or the other. Lastly, he asked me whether both "could lead to the same
> political doldrums and socio-economic backwardness."
>
> First of all, let me say that phrases/terms such as pure
>authoritarianism,
> liberalised authoritarianism etc are used in Comparative Politics.
>
> There is more to these terms, but to simplify them, I would say pure
> authoritarianism, as the name implies, is absolute dictatorship and
> liberalised authoritarianism is still a dictatorship, but where people
>can
> make limited criticism.
>
> Mr Jeng, in my view, both liberalised authoritarianism and total
> dictatorship are all cruel systems which ought to be dismantled. No
>people
> deserve either of the two, because both systems are repressive.
>
> However, permit me to try and explain why I said that a badly flawed
> transition in the Gambian situation, in my view, was preferable to a
> continuation of undiluted military rule.
>
> Here, I must tell Saiks that I didn't imply that there was a significant
> difference between the Gambia during the transition period and now. I am
> aware of the injustices, the corruption etc in our Nation. I know that
>our
> Nation is still bleeding and only God knows what can save her.
>
> But, in my view, there were certain barbaric acts, permissible when the
> Gambia was under undiluted military rule, that cannot be permitted or
> tolerated now.
>
> I maintain that Jammeh's hands, as I stated before, are a little bit
>tied,
> now that he is a so-called civilian leader. Yes, as Saiks rightly pointed
> out, the opposition parties and the Gambian civil society are determined
>to
> see to it that their fundamental rights and freedoms are not trampled
>upon.
>
> But the transitional arrangements, as bad as they were, have provided the
> basis on which the opposition parties and the Gambian civil society can
>now
> challenge the "unlawful arrest, detention and torture" Saiks is talking
> about.
>
> Today, Lamin Waa Juwara, for instance, can criticise Jammeh, on a daily
> basis, and Jammeh will think twice, perhaps even three times, before
> ordering for the arrest of Waa Juwara, not because Jammeh is afraid of
>Waa
> Juwara, but because there is a legal frame in place restricting Jammeh.
>
> The new Constitution, as seriously flawed as it is, has restrained Mr
>Jammeh
> a little bit. Saiks talked about the kidnapping of Shyngle Nyassi.
>
> Now, if the Gambia was still under undiluted military rule, Shyngle will
> never have been released, and there would not have been any basis on
>which
> his illegal detention could have been challenged.
>
> When the Gambia was under undiluted military rule, the junta had enacted
>a
> Decree, nullifying writs of Habeas Corpus.
>
> Habeas Corpus is a writ requiring a person under arrest, or imprisonment,
>to
> be brought before a judge in a court of law, to investigate the legality
>of
> his arrest and detention.
>
> Now, during the transition period, when the Gambia was under undiluted
> military, Lamin Waa Juwara was kidnapped by the regime, and detained for
> over a year. Amnesty International, the Gambia's Development Partners,
>the
> Gambian civil society had all urged Jammeh to release Waa Juwara, but to
>no
> avail.
>
> However, this time around when Shyngle Nyassi was kidnapped, the
> transitional arrangements, as flawed as they were, provided the basis on
> which Nyassi's kidnapping can be challenged in a court of law.
>
> And when the Judge ordered the security forces to release him, they had
>to
> do so, I am sure, against their desire, but they had no choice.
>
> The transitional arrangements, as bad as they were, have also provided a
> National Assembly, where critical discussions of public concerns can now
> take place.
>
> Yes, the Speaker of the House, Mustapha Wadda, is partisan and has, in
>fact,
> used the powers of his office to block critical motions.
>
> But in an effort to get around this obstacle, opposition MPs, especially
>the
> MP of my constituency, Hamat Bah, having been making the most of the
> adjournment debates that occur at the end of each assembly session, and
> during which MPs may raise any issue they choose.
>
> Here I must point out that while these debates do not allow the
>introduction
> of new motions, or the questioning of Secretaries of State, they do,
> notwithstanding, provide a public forum for the criticism of government's
> policies and actions.
>
> Hamat Bah has been using this platform very effectively.
>
> From outside, it would be difficult to see any difference between the
>Gambia
> then and now, but those of us who were on the ground during time when
> decrees were being used to govern us would dare to say that a badly
>flawed
> transition was preferable to a continuation of undiluted military rule!
>
> Again, I'll not hesitate to repeat that, in my view, in spite of all its
> imperfections, the change did mark a LIMITED movement away from absolute
> dictatorship and toward a kind of a less harsher dictatorship, call it
> liberalised authoritarianism or whatever.
>
> One does not have to agree with me. In fact, why should he/she? But
>having
> said that I know, for a fact, that my views are in line with present day
> research on the Gambia.
>
> In conclusion, I must say that some people are yet to realise how
>DELICATE
> and volatile the transition period in the Gambia was.
>
> Many people don't still know that during the transition period, the
>Gambia
> could have easily become another Liberia, if we did not have people like
> Halifa Sallah, who could always come up, at the right time, with
>appropriate
> crisis management mechanisms, to diffuse a potential crisis.
>
> The situation was also helped by the fact that Jammeh, in the end, did
>win
> the election. At one point, the tension was so high and frightening,
> especially the week before the presidential election, that I, for one,
>had
> thought that an unrest was inevitable!
>
> I remember a senior diplomat telling me and Mick Slatter, the BBC
> correspondent who came to cover the presidential election, that for the
>sake
> of the continued peace and stability of the Gambia, he wanted Jammeh to
>win
> the election.
>
> This particular diplomat never liked Jammeh, whether his person or his
> policies, but having read the political situation in the Gambia at the
>time,
> he said if he were to vote in the election, he would vote for Jammeh not
> because he subscribed to his policies, but because Jammeh's victory would
> ensure the continued peace and stability of the Gambia.
>
> Yes, there is no dispute about the fact that the electoral process was
> extremely flawed, and it gave Jammeh massive advantages. But despite the
> unfairness of the electoral process, the opposition could have still won
>the
> election if the voters were sure that electing the UPD, for example,
>would
> not have caused an unrest in the country if you know what I mean.
>
> The electoral process was seriously flawed, but I sincerely believe that
>the
> actual counting of votes was free. People were fed with military rule,
>and
> they definitely wanted a change.
>
> In fact, I, for one, am certain that under normal circumstances, the
> opposition would have won the presidential election, even regardless of
>the
> fact the electoral process was badly flawed.
>
> But many voters decided, when saw the kind of tension that was brewing in
> the country, days before the presidential election, to vote for Jammeh
>for
> the sake of the continued peace, stability and tranquility of the
>country.
>
> Now, to understand the logic behind this change of heart by many voters
>who
> intended to vote for the opposition, I must recall a significant
>statement
> Darboe made during campaign period.
>
> He had said that if he won the election, the junta would have to account
>for
> their actions, during the transition period, despite the indemnity
>clauses
> in the new Constitution. That statement frighten the Ruling Military
> Council.
>
> And after Darboe uttered that statement, it was very clear to me,
>especially
> having listened to some of the remarks Captain Yankuba Touray was making,
> that the junta would have never handed over power if Darboe won.
>
> This was the period when Yankuba was announcing at rallies that Jammeh
>would
> win whether the electorate voted for him or not.
>
> What is clear is that many voters who did not want to see our country
> engulfed in turmoil, decided, at the 11th hour, to vote for Jammeh
>because,
> in their view, Jammeh's victory would guarantee the continued peace and
> stability of the Gambia.
>
> Mr Jeng, coming to your question on whether both liberalised
> authoritarianism and total military dictatorship could lead to the same
> political doldrums and socio-economic backwardness, I'll give you a very
> strong YES answer. To be continued whenever time permits me.
>
> And next time I write on this subject, I'll explain why Jammeh and
>Captain
> Edward Singhateh, even though they may not necessarily be the best of
> friends, are still working together very closely.
>
> That's why I always laugh at reports that do surface, from time to time,
> that Jammeh is about to sack or arrest Singhateh.
>
> I remember a week or so before Captain Ebou Jallow defected to Washington
> DC, he met me AFRA FM on Kairaba Avenue, he then was overseeing the
>Ministry
> of External (Blaise Jagne was away), and he started lamenting about
> Singhateh, especially his behaviour in the then ruling council meetings.
>
> Ebrima Ceesay,
> Birmingham, UK.
> >>
>
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