Dave, May God continue to bless and guide you. BMK >From: Dave Manneh <[log in to unmask]> >Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list ><[log in to unmask]> >To: [log in to unmask] >Subject: Re: A Fresh Start >Date: Wed, 6 Mar 2002 09:03:47 +0000 > >************************************************************************ >Culled from The Free Africa Foundation >http://www.freeafrica.org/elites5.html > >Regards >Manneh >************************************************************************** > > >NO TEARS FOR AFRICA’S INTELLECTUALS > >An FAF Publication in New African (October 1996). > >---------------------------------------------------- > >The most painful and treacherous aspect of Africa's collapse was the wilful >and >active collaboration by Africa's own intellectuals, many of whom were >highly "educated" with Ph. D.s, and who should have known better. Yet a >multitude of them have prostituted themselves, selling off their principles >and >integrity to partake of the plunder, misrule and repression of the African >people. In fact, according to Colonel. Yohanna A. Madaki (rtd), when >General >Gowon drew up plans to return Nigeria to civil rule in 1970, "academicians >began to present well researched papers pointing to the fact that military >rule >was the better preferred since the civilians had not learned any lessons >sufficient enough to be entrusted with the governance of the country" (Post >Express, 12 November 1998, 5). > >The Prostitutes > >One such prostitute was Kokou Koffigoh who joined President Gnassingbe >Eyadema >as Togo's Prime Minister in 1992. New African (January 1993) wrote that >"the >opposition thinks Koffigoh has sold out the gains of the Togo National >Conference by not carrying out its decisions and by allowing President >Eyadema >to return to power" (19). > >Another was Gwanda Chakuamba of Malawi, who was appointed the chairman of >the "presidential council" by former Life-President Hastings Banda in 1993. >As >The Economist (20 November 1993) reported: "Chakuamba was an old Malawi >Congress Party (MCP) and ex-minister, who was jailed in 1980 for sedition >and >released in July 1993. He then flirted briefly with the opposition United >Democratic Front, but, while Dr. Banda was in hospital, suddenly emerged as >secretary-general of ruling party and acting head of state" (47). >Chakaumba's >move was roundly denounced "as a betrayal to the opposition, who had >tirelessly >campaigned for his release following local and international pressure on >the >MCP government's poor human rights record. "Reliable sources reported that >whilst he was in prison, Chakuamba was subjected to immersion in water and >was >chained hand-and-foot for months on end" (African Business, December 1993, >29). >How could an educated man, whose basic human rights were viciously violated >in >detention, suddenly decide to join his oppressor? > >When Captain Yahya Jammeh overthrew the democratically elected government >of >Sir Dawda Jawara on July 24, 1994, the only minister from the Jawara >administration enticed to serve the military regime was the finance >minister, >Bakary Darbo, a very well respected economist -- even in international >circles. >He was instrumental in getting the World Bank to resume aid to The Gambia. >On >10 October 1994, he was fired by the military junta: He was no longer >useful to >them. Then on 15 November, he was accused of complicity in the 11 November >abortive coup attempt. He fled to neighboring Senegal with his family. > >Next to assume the finance ministry portfolio was Ousman Koro Ceesay. When >he >became no longer useful to the military junta, "they smashed his head with >a >baseball bat," said Captain Ebou Jallow, the number-2 man in the ruling >council >who defected to the United States on 15 October (The Washington Times, 20 >October 1995, A15). > >Time and time again, despite repeated warnings, highly "educated" African >intellectuals throw caution and common sense to the winds and fiercely >jostle >one another for the chance to hop into bed with military brutes. The allure >of >a luxury car, a diplomatic or ministerial post and a government mansion >often >proves too irresistible. Nigeria's Senator Arthur Nzeribe once declared >that >General Babangida was good enough to rule Nigeria. When pressed, he >confessed: "I was promised prime ministerial appointment. There is no >living >politician as hungry for power as I was who would not be seduced in the >manner >I was to invest in the ABN, with the possibility and promise of being >Executive >Prime Minister to a military president" (The Guardian, 13 November 1998, >3). > >So hordes of politicians, lecturers, professionals, lawyers, and doctors >sell >themselves off into prostitution and voluntary bondage to serve the >dictates of >military vagabonds with half their intelligence. And time and time again, >after >being raped, abused, and defiled, they are tossed out like rubbish --- or >worse. Yet more intellectual prostitutes stampede to take their places. > >African countries that have imploded in recent years were all ruined by the >military: Algeria, Burundi, Ethiopia, Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, >Somalia, >Sudan, Uganda, and Zaire, among others. In country after country in Africa, >where military rule was entrenched, educational institutions (of the >tertiary >level - universities, and colleges) have all decayed --- starved of funds >by >the military. Although the official excuse is always lack of funds, the >military predators always find the money to purchase shiny new pieces of >bazookas for their thugs. But the real reason? "It is not in the best >interest >of these military governments to educate their people," says Wale Deyemi, a >doctoral student at the University of Lagos. "They do not want people to be >able to challenge them" (The Washington Post, 6 October 1995, A30). > >In Nigeria, the sciences have been hardest hit. Science teachers have been >vanishing with such alarming frequency that Professor Peter Okebukola, the >president of the National Science Teachers Association of Nigeria, lamented >at >the association's thirty-sixth annual conference at Maiduguri that "good >science teachers are increasingly becoming an endangered species" (African >News >Weekly, 13 October 1995, 17). > >In spite of all this evidence, some African intellectuals still >vociferously >defend military regimes while their own institutions --- the very places >where >they teach or obtained their education --- deteriorate right under their >very >noses. One would have thought that these professors and intellectuals would >protect their own institutions, just as the soldiers jealously protect >their >barracks and keep them in top shape. But no! For small change, the >intellectuals have been willing to help and supervise the destruction of >their >very own university system. > >Another expendable intellectual prostitute was Abass Bundu of Sierra Leone >--- >the former secretary-general of ECOWAS --- though his fate was less >horrible. >When he was appointed by the 29-year-old illiterate Captain Valentine >Strasser >to be Sierra Leone's foreign minister in early 1995, he left home to grab >the >post in a cloud of dust. In August 1995 he was tossed into a garbage bin in >a >radio announcement. He claimed in a Voice of America radio interview that >"he >never applied to join the junta" (African News Weekly, 8 September 1995, >12). > >"We just discovered that he's an opportunist and one cannot trust such >people. >So we kicked him out," said spokesman of the Strasser's National >Provisional >Ruling Council. "When we appointed Abass Bundu through a radio >announcement, he >didn't complain but when we fired him though another radio announcement, he >wants to make noise" he added (The African Observer, 8-21 August 1995, 5). > >Another case was that of Sierra Leone's fearless human rights lawyer, >Sulaiman >Banja Tejan-Sie. He was a vociferous critic of the ruling NPRC over human >rights abuses and was reported to have a personal dislike for the military. >He >was hailed on student campuses as a young radical barrister and was invited >to >student conventions, giving lectures on human rights and negative >consequences >of military rule. On several occasions he called for a national conference >to >prepare the way for civilian rule. Then suddenly in April 1995 he joined >Sierra >Leone's military-led government as secretary of state in the Department of >Youth, Sport and Social Mobilization. His detractors never forgave him. > >Then there was Paul Kamara of Sierra Leone --- a fearless crusader for >human >rights and ardent advocate of democracy. He published and edited the widely >respected For Di People, whose circulation exceeded 30,000 copies a week. >In >January 1996, he joined the military government of Brigadier-General Maada >Bio - >-- a decision that by his own admission, "disappointed many people" (New >African, May 1996, 14). On election night, Feberuary 26, five men dressed >in >military fatigues with guns waited for him at his newspaper offices. When >he >left his office and got into his official four-wheel-drive car, the >soldiers >chased him and opened fire. "We've got the bastard at last," one of them >shouted. But luckily, the "bastard" escaped death and was flown to London >for >treatment. His troubles did not end there. On August 20, 1999, he was >assaulted >by three Revolutionary United Front (RUF) commanders following an article >alleging laziness and corruption by RUF commanders based in Freetown. “An >ECOMOG officer declined to intervene while the attack took place” (Index on >Censorship, Nov/Dec 1999; p.249). > >In Burkina Faso, Clement Oumarou Ouedraogo was not so lucky. He was the >number- >two man in the barbarous military dictatorship of Blaise Compaore. He later >resigned and launched his own Burkina Labor Party. On 9 December 1992, he >was >killed "when unidentified attackers threw a grenade into his car as he was >returning from a meeting of the opposition Coalition of Democratic Forces" >(West Africa, 16-22 December 1991, 2116). > >In neighboring Niger, when Lieutenant-Colonel Ibrahim Barre Mainassara >seized >power in the January 1996 coup, overthrowing the civilian regime of >President >Mahamane Ousmane, the first civilian to join the new military regime as >prime >minister was Boukary Adji, who was deputy governor at the Central Bank of >West >African States in Dakar (The Washington Times, 1 Feberuary 1996, A14). Do >Africa's intellectuals learn? > >In Nigeria, Baba Gana Kingibe, a career diplomat, was the vice-presidential >candidate of Moshood K. O. Abiola in the 12 June 1993 presidential >elections . >Abiola won the election fair and square, but the result was annulled by the >military government of Geneneral Ibrahim Babangida. Baba Kingibe then >accepted >the post of foreign minister from that same military regime. Nor did he >raise a >whiff of protest or resign when his running mate, Abiola, was thrown into >jail. >Neither did Chief Tony Anenih, the chairman of the defunct Social >Democratic >Party, on whose ticket Abiola contested the 12 June election. In fact, >Chief >Anenih was part of a five-man delegation, sent by General Abacha to the >United >States in October 1995 to "educate and seek the support of Nigerians about >the >transition program." At an 22 October 1995 forum organized by the Schiller >Institute in Washington, "Chief Anenih and Colonel (rtd) Emeka O. Ojukwu >took >turns ripping apart the reputation of Abiola. Anenih took pains to >discredit >Chief Abiola, whom he said was being presented by the Western media as the >victimized President-elect. Some of the Nigerians in the audience denounced >the >delegation as `paid stooges' of Abacha" (African News Weekly, 3 November >1995, >3). > >More pathetic was the case of Alex Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian >Group of >newspapers in Lagos who became the internal affairs minister. On 14 August >1994, his own newspaper was raided and shut down by the same military >government under which he was serving. He did not protest or resign. After >six >months as interior minister, he too was tossed aside. In October 1995, his >two >newspapers, shut down by the military government for more than a year, were >allowed to reopen after Ibru apologized to the authorities for any >offensive >reports they may have carried. Then on 2 February 1996, unidentified gunmen >in >a deep-blue Peugeot 504 trailed him and sprayed his car with machine-gun >fire. >The editor-in-chief, Femi Kusa, said that the car was bullet-ridden and >Ibru >was injured. He too was flown to Britain for treatment. > >After the annulment of Nigeria's 12 June elections, General Babangida was >eased >aside by the military top brass and Ernest Shonekan became the 89-day >interim >civilian president until he too was removed by the military despot, General >Sani Abacha. On 19 September, Shonekan accompanied Nigeria's foreign >minister, >Tom Ikimi, to London to deliver a "confidential message" to British Prime >Minister John Major. Nigeria's military junta told Westminster that it >would >pardon the 40 convicted coup plotters if British would help with the >rescheduling Nigeria's $35 billion debt, and support its transition program >to >democratic rule, its bid for a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council, >and >its attempt to gain U.S. recognition of its effort to fight drug >trafficking. > >First of all, how could Ernest Shonekan act as an emissary for the same >barbarous military regime that overthrew him? Not only that, he accepted an >appointment from Abacha to a committee of experts to plan for "Vision >2010." >According to African News Weekly (7-13 October 1996), "Vision 2010 will >focus >on Nigeria's growth into the next century. Details of the plan are to be >set >out by a non-political committee which will sit for between 9 and 12 >months, >targeting gross domestic product, inflation, agriculture, >industrialization, >literacy, health and employment" (2). > >Second, who thought that 35 years after "independence" from British >colonial >rule, Nigeria's government would be holding its own citizens as hostages, >demanding ransom from the former colonial power? It did not occur to any of >the "educated" emissaries that their mission sank the concept of >"independence >from colonial rule" to new depths of depravity. Mercifully, the British >refused >to capitulate to these terroristic demands. > >Dr. Tom Ikimi was the activist, who, in 1989, formed the Liberal Convention >party to campaign for democracy in Nigeria. In June 1989 he launched a >branch >in the United Kingdom, where he made glorious speeches about participatory >democracy and denouncing military regimes. In 1994 he became Nigeria's >Foreign >minister under the military dictatorship of General Sani Abacha. He even >appeared on The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, on 3 August 1995, and strenuously >defended Nigerian military government's record on democratization, calling >General Abacha "humane." > >Then there was the case of Phillips David Sesay, with various academic >degrees >including a doctorate in philosophy. He was the head of Sierra Leone's >chancery >in Washington. For three years, he was not paid; yet he remained at the >post. >In 1996, he left his wife and son in Washington and returned to Sierra >Leone in >a hurry to accept promotion as Acting Chief Protocol at the Ministry of >Foreign >Affairs by the country's ruling military regime. That the former protocol >at >the ministry had worked with the junta for only 4 days and had fled the >country >did not bother Sesay, who took that post. Following a coup on 23 May 1997, >Sesay fled the country. "When his plane landed in New York on 20 December >1997, >Sesay's diplomatic passport with a multiple-entry permit to the U.S. was >found >to be insufficient. His visa was canceled at the behest of the State >Department >and he was placed in detention by the Immigration and Naturalization >Service" >(The Washington Post, 2 January 1998, A30). > >Ghanaians would point to a swarm of intellectual prostitutes who sold out >to >join the military regime of Fte./Lte. Jerry Rawlings: Dr. Kwesi Botchwey, >the >former minister of finance; Totobi Kwakye, minister of communication, who >as a >student leader battled the former military head of state, Col. I.K. >Acheampong; >Dr. Tony Aidoo, a presidential adviser; Dr. Vincent Assisseh, a press >secretary; and Kow Arkaah, the Vice-President who was beaten up by >President >Rawlings in December 1995. > >Vile opportunism, unflappable sycophancy, and trenchant collaboration on >the >part of Africa's intellectuals allowed tyranny to become entrenched in >Africa. >Doe, Mengistu, Mobutu, and other military dictators legitimized and >perpetuated >their rule by buying off and co-opting Africa's academics for a pittance. >And >when they fall out of favor, they are beaten up, tossed aside or worse. And >yet >more offer themselves up. The moon shines so brightly but it is still dark >in >some places. > >*************** > >~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ > >To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L >Web interface >at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html >To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to: >[log in to unmask] > >~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ _________________________________________________________________ MSN Photos is the easiest way to share and print your photos: http://photos.msn.com/support/worldwide.aspx ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to: [log in to unmask] ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~