My Fellow Gambians: This morning, I had an interesting phone call from a pro-Jammeh sympathiser that I know very well, who felt that I was being overly critical of Jammeh and his regime, to the extent that I was being unreasonable. Well, that of course is his opinion, and this is the good thing about a genuine democracy: the freedom to express an opinion, the right to disagree, tolerance of different view-points, these are all hard-won rights which we should value and be prepared to fight for. But when I pressed this person for the reasons why he disagreed with my postings, it became clear that he did not fully understand the intricacies of The Gambian situation today. His understanding of the background reasons underpinning my writing and my interpretation of the political, economic and social developments since 1994 was rather foggy. I therefore want to make it clear to all those who read my postings, that my opinions are based on a thorough background understanding of issues impacting on The Gambia, and that in truth, my opposition to Jammeh and his regime is unequivocally based on reality and truth. If anything, it could be claimed that I am not yet vociferous enough in my condemnation of the current political "leadership" in The Gambia. My fellow Gambians, let me put things in perspective for Gambians so that they know the truth of the situation we are in today, and understand the reasons for my detestation of Jammeh and his ilk. Each person involved in The Gambian struggle; each political party; each commentator has his or her own way of dealing with the problem: some criticise the current regime alone, others look to compare the current with the former regime; then you have some who only focus on the former regime. And, of course, there are others who see the need to spend their time on criticising both the former and the current regime. However, in my own case, while recognising the ills/shortcomings of the former regime, my main focus is on Jammeh and his six years in office because, in my view, this is what is pertinent now. Just for the record, I have never benefited materially, professionally or financially from the past government. My short term of employment with the Government Information News Services came to an end when I overran my stay in Dakar to cover the football tournament of the African Cup of Nations in 1992, following which I went to work for the Daily Observer. So, my voice is truly independent and I owe nothing to any group. Also, I certainly had my problems with the past government. For instance, in 1993, I interviewed the late Ousman Koro Ceesay (then an Economist working at the now defunct National Investment Board) about The Gambia’s re-export trade in the subregion. Koro Ceesay had talked to me about how The Gambia was losing revenue as a result of the new measures introduced by Senegal. The resulting article published in the Daily Observer angered the NIB and the Office of the President, and Koro was suspended from his duties. Kenneth Best and myself then had to contact the then government and called for the revocation of Koro’s suspension. I also remember interviewing Lamin Barrow, now with the African Development Bank, who was then an Economist with the NIB, about the GACEM Cement Factory/Jimpex saga. Lamin was threatened with suspension simply for giving me the interview (Mr Barrow, if you are on-line, please correct me if necessary). If I were to document all the ills or shortcomings of the former regime, I could end up writing a whole pamphlet! However, this is not now my brief: my strategy is to focus on the current situation and to report on it exhaustively. It is now necessary that I put things in perspective so that Gambians can understand why I have NO sympathy or whatsoever for Jammeh and his despotic regime, even though many of my contemporaries have found favour with the current regime, and are benefiting from it. Edward Singhateh, who sat in the same vous as me, and with whom I have shared many glasses of "attaya" while contemplating the maladministration and corrupt practices of the former government, expressed surprise to me that I was not with him and the "new boys" and not giving them my support. Interestingly, during the first day of the coup in 1994, the first two journalists – Rodney Sieh and Momodou Musa Secka - who went to interview the Coup plotters at State House, came back to The Daily Observer offices bringing me Edward Singhateh’s "personal greetings." Anyway, let me now put things in perspective for you so that you can appreciate why someone like me has been so critical of Jammeh and all that he stands for. My fellow Gambians, on July 22nd 1994, it was Yahya Jammeh who seized power in The Gambia, and it was also Jammeh himself who set the standards against which he wished to be judged. It was Jammeh who told people in clear and unambiguous language, what to expect from his leadership. In high-sounding speeches, Jammeh promised a complete overhaul of every sector of Gambian life against a background of total accountability and transparency. Every last detail of Gambian life would be swept clean by Jammeh’s broom of integrity and honesty. His transitional government, he said, would transform the nation and see it set back safely on the course of true democracy. Jammeh explained in detail why he had seen fit to overthrow the democratically elected government of the day. He condemned the rampant and massive levels of corruption that reached its tentacles into all aspects of Gambian society: he took the former regime to task for its levels of travelling; he cited what he called the widespread and extensive nepotism and the endemic tribalism that the government deliberately fostered. He gave every justification in the book for his seizure of power, but he did not stop at that. He then told us what to expect in terms of what he would do. I remember Kenneth Best getting a letter at The Observer from the editor of a London-based magazine who even commented positively on the coup plotters, saying that he was impressed with the way in which the group had come up with a package of governance within just a few days of taking control. This editor even praised the military junta’s level of organisation and promises. It is therefore important for Gambians to always remember that it was Jammeh himself who gave us the criteria against which we should judge him, and against which we should measure the quality of his leadership. He listed for us all those areas which he would transform – the eradication of corruption and nepotism; the level of official government travel; the infrastructure of the nation including electricity, water, transport and roads; above all, the eradication of poverty in all its forms. He promised us a new Gambia, which would emerge against a backdrop of transparency, accountability, probity and integrity. No one forced Jammeh to make these solemn promises: no one held a gun against his head. He acted from his own volition, and spoke from his own mind. Many Gambians, who were experiencing a military government for the first time in their lives, welcomed the coup: they perceived Jammeh as sincere, and as a man with the best interests of the country at heart. They welcomed change, and genuinely believed that life would get better under the new regime. But veterans of the African political scene, were less optimistic: people like Kenneth Best and Zaya Yeebo who were in The Gambia at the time, knew disquiet in their hearts and would speak privately about their fears for The Gambia: they knew the military route would end in disaster for the nation. Meanwhile, Jammeh continued to spell out the standards upon which he wanted to be judged. In clear and simple English, he called on the Gambian people and more so on those of us representing the Press and Media, to criticise him publicly whenever he went wrong. Just a few weeks after his seizure of power, it started to become clear just what sort of man we were going to be dealing with: his true colours began to shine as clearly as the noon-day sun. He refused to take constructive criticism from anyone, and especially from the Press. Journalists were harassed and deported; people’s rights and freedoms were curtailed and infringed upon; public servants were arbitrarily sacked from their jobs; Council members and civilian ministers in the transitional government, started to make unannounced and regular trips abroad at public expense; nepotism reared its ugly head to an even greater extent than before, and tribalism started to become rife. Jammeh started sending envoys to foreign powers to solicit arms in order to consolidate his provisional government’s position. He himself started travelling with quadruple numbers of delegates in tow. And during all this period, Jammeh continued making (empty) promises, claiming accountability and transparency as his watchwords. As for politics, said Jammeh, he wanted nothing to do with it for it was for the "rogues, drunkards and scoundrels." He said he had no political ambition in any bone of his body; he would never, ever in his life, contest a presidential election. So where are we today, after all these early pronouncements? Where is Jammeh? What is the true state of our Gambian nation? It is patently and visibly clear that from the outset, Jammeh has failed miserably to tell the truth. The last six years is evidence enough of Jammeh’s misrule and false promises. To those who support Jammeh’s regime, I say "judge him against the criteria he himself set". The truth of the matter is that in any court of law anywhere in the world, Jammeh would be charged with treason and found guilty on all counts. My fellow Gambians, let us now look at the end results of Jammeh’s seizure of power. Today, The Gambia is in a dire condition: every sector of life, every facet of Gambian society, every division, every village and community, every family is adversely affected by Jammeh’s mismanagement of our nation. The hallmarks of Jammeh’s regime are corruption, ineffectiveness, mismanagement, secrecy, favouritism, and sleaze. Repression is the order of the day, where people are kidnapped and abducted, held incommunicado and without charge. The APRC has empowered the NIA as its tool for oppression and subjugation of the people. Jammeh openly exhorts the APRC youths to attack those opponents of his cause, and boasts that he can sack judges and magistrates with impunity. His record on human rights is appalling, and he demonstrates no regard at all for The Gambian people. The infrastructure of our nation is in danger of imminent collapse: the economy is in tatters and the social fabric of our nation is torn to shreds. Every aspect of life bears the scars of Jammeh’s mismanagement. Unemployment and poverty are biting deep into our society and at unprecedented levels. Decent, hard-working, ordinary Gambians are at their wits end to support their families, to educate their children, to feed and clothe their dependents. People are being forced into begging and worse still, into crime. The lawlessness which characterises our country in the year 2000 is unparalleled; the security forces publicly admit that they do not have the capacity to deal with the deteriorating situation: the crime rate is escalating, and there is a proliferation in the guns and weapons found everywhere. People, who have been forced to the edge, have to resort to desperate measures in order simply to survive: they represent the symptoms of our diseased society; and Jammeh is surely the cause. There can be no dispute about this. Under Jammeh, The Gambia is a nation of doom and chaos: not one iota of what Jammeh promised over the last six years has come to fruition; he has reneged on everything he pledged. The truth is that the situation, as long as Jammeh hangs onto power, will only deteriorate. Let my critics take an honest and realistic view of the Jammeh regime: criticise me if you find that I am speaking untruthfully or inaccurately; but make your reviews of my writing honest: do not criticise me for speaking candidly or reporting fully. I see my role as looking for ways in which we can take things forward: how we get rid of Jammeh without bloodshed or civil war. My message to all Gambians is that we should use the ballot box to kick Jammeh and the APRC out of power. Those who advocate the use of violence have the right to their opinion, but for the sake of my country and its people, I cannot yet give my support to this view. I again call upon all Gambians to come together; to unite in purpose, vision and action. Jammeh is our common enemy, and only by working together, shall we be able to purge ourselves of the menace that is Jammeh. The electoral system is our main hope of peaceful transformation and salvation, but we can be sure that Jammeh will try to rig the process. History gives us many lessons that incumbent leaders will do anything to hang onto power: once tasted, power is sweet and not easy to let go. History also teaches us that incumbents have the edge over their opponents: the machinery of state works for them. But even given this, I do believe that we can STILL vote Jammeh out of office. In my view, our people have been so driven against the wall, and the situation is so acutely bad that the people will no longer countenance an APRC regime for one second more than necessary. Gambians need to get their act together. I am firmly convinced that a viable opposition led by a Presidential candidate of stature who appeals to the people, will be successful in ousting Jammeh in the polls. I am increasingly convinced that our Opposition parties need to unite NOW in order for us to achieve our dream of a Jammeh/APRC-free society. Jammeh himself is fully aware of the need for him to divide in order to rule. He will do everything to ensure that the Opposition parties go into a first round of voting without coalition because he stands a chance of re-election if he can keep the opposition in factions rather than functioning as a unified, rival force. Let us therefore all beware of this scenario. I again beg our Opposition party leaders to bury their differences, and assume the combined strength of a cooperating, compromising and cohesive group of opponents to Jammeh. I for one, will continue to do everything in my power to persuade Gambians to come together, to present a united front, to enter into coalition and to work as partners to defeat our common enemy. Let no-one doubt Jammeh’s machinations to hang onto power: the man will do anything and everything to ensure his re-election. He will attempt to rig the electoral system; he will interfere with every part of the process; he will scheme and lie for his own purposes, and he will use the whole machinery of state to do this. All of us therefore need to be on our guard against him. We need to be monitoring every part of the election process from the registration of votes to the final counting of them. We should be reporting any transgression, which jeopardises the results, to the IEC and the international community. It is clear that the vast majority of Gambians want change: they have had enough of Jammeh and his lies. They need coordination, organisation and sound leadership to take them safely through into a future without the APRC. Let us also be mindful of the decency of Gambian society: people could well make a last-minute decision to give their vote to the incumbent party/candidate if they had any fear of destabilising The Gambia by voting against Jammeh. Consequently, we need to be educating the people to ensure that they fully recognise their important role in transforming The Gambia back into a free and democratic nation. We have to "demystify" the office of president in order that people understand that Jammeh is not superhuman or a demi-God. There is nothing except the will of the Gambian people which is paramount. I urge everyone to ignore the pronouncements of people like Yankuba Touray who try to mislead our people into believing in the certainty of civil war if Jammeh is outvoted. This is not the truth of the matter, and we need to spell this out very clearly indeed in order that people may vote freely and without fear. Yankuba, knowing how trouble-fearing our people are, is capitalising on this, by insinuating that if Jammeh is outvoted at the elections, then there would be trouble in our country. He is attempting to entice the voters to vote for Jammeh, "for the sake of the continued peace and stability of the Gambia." This is absolute bunkum! Gambians should remember that Yahya, Yankuba and co are COWARDS who will never succeed in resisting the people’s will in the final analysis. So our people should have nothing to fear or worry about. Let them just go to the polls in large numbers and vote Jammeh out of office come the next presidential election. I am putting my heart and soul into my certain belief that Gambians can and will make a difference to the future of the country. People power, backed by education, organisation and good levels of leadership, will see the back of Jammeh, as surely as day follows night. Ebrima Ceesay Birmingham, UK ________________________________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free E-mail from MSN Hotmail at http://www.hotmail.com ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html You may also send subscription requests to [log in to unmask] if you have problems accessing the web interface ----------------------------------------------------------------------------