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Subject:
From:
Amadu Kabir Njie <[log in to unmask]>
Reply To:
The Gambia and related-issues mailing list <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Mon, 16 Feb 2004 03:05:35 -0500
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Sudan: Khartoum escalates civil war offensive

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2004/feb2004/suda-f16.shtml

By Brian Smith

16 February 2004


The Sudanese government has escalated its offensive against the western
provinces of the country. In what the Khartoum regime has described as “a
local security problem”, militias, backed by government troops and
warplanes, have been bombing and terrorising villages in Darfur and
driving the population off the land.

Thousands of people are dead and up to a million have become internally
displaced by the fighting. Over 120,000 have fled across the border into
neighbouring Chad—which has linguistic and cultural ties to the Darfur
region—to escape the fighting. Refugee camps there are overflowing and aid
agencies fear that a serious crisis is developing.

The United Nations has begun moving the refugees away from the border
areas, for security. An estimated 40 percent of the refugees are children
and 75 percent of the adults are women. World Food Program spokesperson
Christiane Benthiaume believes, “All the ingredients for a humanitarian
crisis are there—difficult access, not enough food or water, and nightmare
logistics.”

The Darfur region of Sudan straddles the divide between Arabic and black
Africa. There have long been disputes over scarce land and resources, as
both sections of society are traditionally herders in constant need of
fresh pastureland. An Arabic militia, known as janjaweed, have
increasingly been used by the government to prosecute its battle against
the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement
(JEM), which were formed in response to janjaweed attacks against the
Darfur population.

Whilst ostensibly fighting against the SLA and the JEM, there are numerous
reports of the Khartoum government deliberately targeting civilians with
their bombing campaigns. Fifteen to 25 villages a day are being attacked,
as the bombing raids have escalated from two a week to daily. The
janjaweed are paid largely in booty, and have been stealing land and
livestock and burning villages to the ground. Amnesty International is
concerned that the offensive looks like ethnic cleansing.

Government forces have chased those fleeing up to and over the border.
There are a number of reports of the Sudanese air force continuing to
attack those who have crossed the border, and of bombs “straying” into
Chad, particularly when the Sudanese army recently captured the town of
Tine which straddles the border. Chad’s president Idriss Deby has played
down the bombings by his giant neighbour, and wants to revive his role as
mediator to resolve the crisis.

When announcing the capture of the Sudanese part of Tine from the rebel
forces, state radio described the victory as a gift to the Sudanese people
for the religious festival of Eid al-Adha.

Negotiations are currently underway in the south of Sudan, under the
auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), to
finalise details of a peace treaty and a wealth sharing agreement between
the government and the southern Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA).
Talks were suspended from January 26 until February 17 ostensibly so that
the government’s top negotiator could make the pilgrimage to Mecca.

The talks have come about largely under influence from the United States
and European governments; themselves under pressure from corporations who
wish to exploit Sudan’s enormous oil wealth.

The negotiations have been put slightly in jeopardy by renewed skirmishes
in the southern border region of Upper Nile, and reports of around 50
dead. Outstanding issues in the negotiations include the question of
whether Sharia law will continue to prevail in Khartoum, the allocation of
ministerial posts, and the destiny of three border regions including Upper
Nile. A substantial UN peacekeeping force would be stationed in Sudan
after the peace agreement is concluded, maintaining the peace and
protecting the interests of the oil companies.

The current fighting in the west of Sudan is in part a response to the
nearly completed southern negotiations. The SLA and the JEM both wish to
be involved in a similar deal to the SPLA—discussing wealth sharing and
autonomy issues with Khartoum—and both want to renew ceasefire
negotiations with international mediation. The government is refusing,
especially on the question of autonomy.

There are estimated 35 militia groups in southern Sudan, many of whom want
their own piece of the action, or would otherwise tend to see peace as an
undesirable end to their favoured positions. JEM’s Abubaker Hamid Nour has
warned, “No peace will come if we leave the marginalised areas in Sudan
and make peace with the south.”

International Crisis Group spokesperson David Mozersky has warned, “Darfur
is likely to plunge further into the horror of open ethnic warfare,”
unless this is arrested by the international community. He pointed to the
timing of Khartoum’s offensive against western Sudan. With the southern
peace deal offering immunity to the government, it wishes to take
advantage of the situation by crushing the resistance in the west before
signing an agreement with the SPLA in the south.

“The government is trying to crush the rebellion in Darfur,” said
Mozersky. “They want to crush it before IGAD resumes, ideally, or at least
before IGAD is resolved. The main actors in the international community—
US, UK, etc.—are worried about pushing the government too far on Darfur
for fear of overturning the apple cart, so to speak.”

The US has encouraged the SLA, suggesting that the southern peace deal
is “transferable onto this western problem.” But Sudan’s Foreign Minister
has dismissed this.

Sudan is emerging as a foreign policy priority for the US. The Bush
administration has been slating its man, SPLA leader John Garang, as vice
president in the new Sudan. DEBKAfile explains that “designating Garang as
vice president is part of the arrangement governing the disposition of
Sudan’s oil.”

A secret rider is also believed to exist between the US and Sudanese
presidents, which is known to Garang, that undertakes to remove the Sharia
from the constitutional basis of government in Sudan. DEBKAfile sees this
being trumpeted as the first time that a radical Muslim country has been
converted into a secular democracy—a vote-winner for the religious right
in the US. The Bush administration also sees its apparent interest in the
affairs of Africa as a winner for African-American voters.

As the Bush administration’s foreign policy unravels over Iraq, it wishes
to demonstrate and promote overseas success stories in the run up to the
Presidential elections in November. Bush had hoped to announce the
finalisation of the Sudanese peace deal in his State of the Union speech,
stressing his achievement in ending a twenty-year-old civil war, but was
unable to do so.

DEBKAfile reports that there are plans for a gala reception of the
Sudanese leaders, the first of a series showcasing the US presidency’s
breakthroughs in Africa. This will culminate in a signing ceremony in the
spring.

“It has to be a ceremony even more impressive than the 1993 White House
signing of declarations of principles by Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres and
Yasser Arafat.... It will be an ‘African Camp David,’” said a senior US
official, “but one that will not fail.”

For added crassness, the agenda also has a White House ritual in which
Sudan’s President Bashir “will solemnly forswear his country’s dark past
as recruiter of slaves for America and the Arab caravans carrying African
slaves around the world.”

As well as Sudan, Bush also intends to use Libya for his electoral
purposes. A planned presidential trip to Khartoum and Tripoli has been
brought forward to June. The trip is arranged around the dramatic
highpoints of political and military changes which his administration’s
actions have set off, and is expected to also include visits to Turkey and
Morocco.

The US and British governments are currently in negotiations with Tripoli
concerning its oil industry, which they would like to rebuild. Reports
suggest that the US may lift its oil investment ban against Libya by the
spring.

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