Ebou,
You have raised two fundamental issues on diplomacy, war and peace which
require consideration. The first issue deals with Casamance and the other
deals with Gambia's role in promoting sub-regional peace. In Casamance, you
suggest the military option to bring MFDC to its knees and the other is for
the Senegalese Government to promote and instigate a 'Sopi' philosophy in
The Gambia. You have not mentioned any doctrine for sub-regional peace.
Before addressing a letter we wrote to the Senegalese Government to the
Gambia-L for your reflection, I would like you to dwell on the following
concerns:
- From 1982 to 1994, the factor you called the Kanilai factor was not in
existence and the policy of the Senegalese Government was to wage a robust
war to bring MFDC to its knees. Can you explain why that has not happened
during that period, and why you believe that that strategy can work now?
- secondly, should it be the duty of another government to promote and
instigate change in The Gambia, or should that be the entire responsibility
of Gambians at home and abroad?
If foreign governments are to promote and instigate change, what would be
the status of the new government in relation to that foreign government
which has promoted and instigated change?
I hope that we will engage in some constructive exchanges as we search for a
way forward for the transformation of this country into a land of liberty,
dignity and prosperity for the Gambian people.
Attached below is a letter we wrote to the Senegalese regime on our
proposals.
Greetings.
Halifa.
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24 May 2000
His Excellency,
President of the Republic of Senegal.
ufs His Excellency,
High Commissioner of Senegal to The Gambia,
Banjul.
WHICH WAY FOR PEACE IN CASAMANCE?
Events of fundamental importance are taking place in our sub-region. All
human beings who consider themselves to be interested in the welfare of our
people should be concerned.
This is precisely the reason why we have taken this initiative to address
this memorandum to you.
First and foremost, we have the desire to forward an earlier memorandum
addressed to your predecessor concerning the strategic instruments that
could be put in place in order to resolve the Casamance crisis through
dialogue.
We have always maintained that the policy instrument which should govern the
handling of the Casamance crisis is progressive rapprochement. We have
elaborated on the reason in the document which is attached under the cover
of this memorandum.
Mr President, Senegal sat on the edge of change on 17 February 2000. Change
became imminent on 19 March 2000 when a second round of voting became a
historical fact. Change in deed became the order of the day when the results
were declared.
It was the hope of many that the emergence of a new government in Senegal at
the dawn of the 21st Century will be accompanied by a new dispensation in
handling the Casamance crisis, in particular, and sub-regional relations, in
general. This is precisely due to our recognition that experience is a
teacher and those who are privileged to have a catalogue of experiences to
learn from cannot be forgiven for repeating the mistakes of the past.
Suffice it to say, even though there are no recipes to provide ready-made
solutions to crisis, history is a depository of the catalogues of mistakes
which had merely led to the complications instead of the resolution of many
crises.
This is precisely the reason why we had high hopes that your government
would take its time to turn the pages of the history of the crisis in
Casamance, conduct a post-mortem of the failures in resolving the crisis and
start afresh in breathing life into a new agenda for handling the crisis.
In this regard, allow us to point out that the military option in handling
the Casamance crisis has been most devastating to the economic health of
Senegal and the welfare of the people in Casamance. It has simply led to
loss of lives and property. It has engendered greater distrust and greater
animosity. At times the innocent did become the victims of hearts nursing
revenge.
For the past 18 years the Senegalese military had utilised conventional
warfare to prosecute its war in the Casamance. MFDC had essentially been
relying on guerrilla tactics. Time has been against the Senegalese regime
whose fundamental interest is to end the crisis with immediacy. Time has
been on the side of MFDC which employs the tactics of staying in the forest
and attacking only when it will cost them a little loss of lives and
equipment on their part.
This state of war has undermined the tourist industry in Casamance and
reduced a territory which could be a bread basket into a trouble spot from
where people flee for refuge. Able-bodied young men who could cultivate the
land and carry on other productive endeavours march into the forest and are
instead ready to fertilise the soil with their blood rather than make it
yield bumper harvest with their sweat.
On the side of the Senegalese army, young men in search of jobs because of
high unemployment find themselves in Casamance facing other young men just
to spill each other's blood instead of using their creative energies to
build a future which belongs to them if the right environment was created
for cooperation instead of confrontation.
Must the future be slained at the altar of neglect and lack of foresight?
Are we not the architects of our destiny? Must we be controlled by crisis?
Or are we to take charge of situations? Must emotion or reason prevail? Who
is to guide who if situations are allowed to take control of decision
makers?
In our view, it is important for the leaders in our sub-region to take
ownership of the situation. We consider it as our duty to convey to you that
a peaceful resolution of the Casamance is possible if the right steps are
taken at the right time. Our review of the situation in Guinea Bissau
reveals very clearly that the people there are tired of war. There is a
strong constituency for peace in Guinea Bissau.
Your government could earn tremendous sympathy in Guinea Bissau if it
appeals to that constituency and convey all signals for the promotion of
good neighbourliness between Senegal and Guinea Bissau.
Our review of the situation in Guinea Bissau reveals that despite the war
which roped in both Guinea Bissau and Senegal, citizens of the two countries
currently experience no discrimination in Guinea Bissau. Suffice it to say,
Senegalese citizens easily find The Gambia as a home.
Your government should rely on this favourable foundation of goodwill among
the peoples of the sub-region to promote State to State relation that is
characterised by mutual respect and the spirit of good neighbourliness and
isolate the Casamance crisis as a phenomenon which requires concerted action
to resolve. The more your regime sees the Casamance crisis as its own
problem, from which all other hands should be withdrawn, the more
complicated the crisis will be.
History has already shown that the greater the antagonism between the
Senegalese regime and that of Guinea Bissau, the more Casamance fighters are
absorbed in the disputes between the two countries. However, the more a
climate of good neighbourliness develops between Senegal and Guinea Bissau,
the greater the capacity of Guinea Bissau to influence the resolution of the
Casamance crisis in a more positive light. The same can be said of The
Gambia.
In our view, your government emerged at a time when some form of dialogue
had already started. It is true that there is still a rift between those in
the forest and those who entered into negotiation in Banjul. Some had
confidence in the process. Some did not. Confidence, however, is a changing
phenomenon. Developments may promote or erode confidence. It all depends on
the degree of development and its relevance to the concerned parties.
What has started in Banjul is the spirit of progressive rapprochement. This
spirit should have been buttressed by extending the dialogue to different
sectors of civil society in the whole area without imposing any restriction
to the debate. A great debate could have started regarding justification or
otherwise of independence and advantages and disadvantages of separation.
The different forms of relation that could ensure the resolution of the
crisis could have been examined without any restriction to expression of
opinions. This could have preceded an agenda for complete negotiation
between MFDC and the Senegalese Government.
On the other hand, your government could have taken an independent
initiative to draw up a development plan for Casamance and call on the
international community to support such a package so that the people in the
area would recognise that they are not neglected. This could have promoted
the basis for peaceful coexistence pending the resolution of the crisis
through political and diplomatic means instead of relying on the barrel of
the gun.
It is hoped that your government will take these humble opinions into
consideration as it draws ideas and initiatives from a pool of wisdom that
will enable it to come up with a crisis resolution agenda that will ensure
peace and development for the 21st Century.
The Senegalese people voted for a new beginning. We join them in calling for
the beginning of new initiatives to ensure that the 21st Century will usher
in a new sense of hope and direction for a people who have been driven to
the brink of hopelessness by war and poverty.
While anticipating your favourable consideration of our concerns, please
accept the assurances of our highest consideration.
.............................................
Halifa Sallah
For: The Central Committee.
----- Original Message -----
From: Ebou Jallow <[log in to unmask]>
To: <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Wednesday, June 14, 2000 4:08 AM
Subject: Re: LETTER TO THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL
ASSEMBLY ON THE STATE OF GAMBIA, SENEGAL, GUINEA BISSAU RELATION
> A very modest yet commendable proposal. I hope that the National Assembly
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