Burama,
The problem with your postulations about a functioning
democracy, is that the institutional framework for democracy must first
be established before a democracy can be functional. You cannot have a
functioning democracy where there is no democracy. This makes the whole
premise of attaining a functional democracy where all the mechanics of
a democratic dispensation are absent redundant.
The political structures and culture in the country has been
consolidated and passed from one republic to the other; and the only
way for our quest for a democratic dispensation and culture to be
realized is to forge a new beginning. How to forge this new beginning
is the challenge that we are grappling with at the moment.
I agree with Nyang that the constitutional framework that can engender
a peaceful transition to a more democratic dispensation could be
present, but it has to take the active participation of all the
stakeholder in the
political process to demand that such is the case.
The nation-state is constituted with people who belong to different
ethnic groups, have different interest persuasions and subscribe to
different belief systems, thus there must be a mechanism through which
a society can be regulated so that rights can be protected and duties
and responsibilities assigned.
Thus within the constitutional framework that governs the nation-state,
law and order serve as the guide for an equitable basis where nobody is
maligned or favored; and everyone enjoys the security, protection and
all the fundamental rights that are associated with one's right to
"life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." At least this is the
ideal.
Rene
----Original Message-----
From: Burama Jammeh <[log in to unmask]>
To: GAMBIA-L <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Mon, Mar 17, 2014 10:01 pm
Subject: Re: [G_L] How to Bring down Yaya and Build Democracy - My Take
in contrast to Burama Jammeh's Plan
Nyang
I will be sure to email you a copy of ‘The Draft Working Paper’. I will
not abridge it for the purpose of this conversation - too much work.
You may or may not read it but flipping through it will hopefully give
you an idea what I viewed ‘A National Democracy Vision’.
I am not against the removal of Yahya as you want it. However there is
not practical political solution.
You ended with election with some qualifications will do it. I want to
say Yahya’s refereeing of election is not just the control over IEC
- He appoint Governors and fire them
- He appoint chiefs and village alkalis and fire them
- He cam even fire National Assembly members in some instance
- He only resources of any kind
- He the only viable business man
- He feed families
- He kill and kidnap
- etc
Essentially Yahya control the very fiber of Gambian society that -
marry, bury and christen us.
There is no amount of organization, reorganization and/or union of
other political forces will win election as long as these conditions
prevail.
Am with you on demands for electoral reforms. Remember election laws
are part of The Constitution - if we can build political leverage why
stop at demanding just a sub-section of The Constitution. I will still
take the sub-sectional approach
Please give us in a step wise approach, say (1……..20…..) or A……Z) how
we demand and ensure reforms. Its still Yahya in the helm. What can we
do for him to adhere?
I would avoid taking you on your positions on violence approach. I will
tell you this, I will not be there and I don’t condone it. Using
undemocratic tools for democracy never install one anywhere.
Finally, am not sure how much of politics you were involved or follow
during the 1st Republic - Yahya did not create the political mess we’re
in. Jawara did. Yahya is Jawara on DOUBLE DOSE STEROID.
Removal of a president will not bring democracy. Me and you may or may
not be in the camp of the new sheriff in town - but there will be no
democracy. Democracy will be instill if and when majority of our people
have capacities to live a life of democracy. Then they will demand it
from their leaders - until then forget it (it will always be winners
and losers)
Fixing Gambia’s problem is not 1 election cycle problem. It’s a whole
social engineering process that will take decades and an appreciable
result may never come during my life time. Yet that’s a cause worth our
fight.
Please drop me your personal email so I can send you the document. I
think I have it but just to make sure.
Appreciate your insight. Thanks
Burama
On Mar 17, 2014, at 10:17 PM, Modou Nyang
<[log in to unmask]> wrote:
Burama,
Thank you for your response. I will adhere to your wish andaddress you
as you demanded. The uncle reference is as a result of a
customarydifficulty from my part to address people I know are older
than myself by theirliteral names. But I respect your decision and will
put that aside.
For a start, you asked that I reference your draft “workingpaper”. I
ask that you please share the exact portion you referring because
itappears it is a different paper from the “the plan” that you sent out
when Iasked for specifics. That will save me time because it will be
very difficult forme to peruse through the bulk of your writings.
Burama, yes you are right about the focus of my agenda thatit is
concentrated firstly on the removal of Yaya. Yes, it is my view that
theexistence of Yaya at the helm of our affairs is THE primary
impediment to the buildingof democracy in the Gambia. You on the other
hand said you are concerned withthe institutionalization of democracy
and because of this you concluded that me,and you have different
problems. But I do not think our problems are much different,only
difference I see is our focus and approach in the interim cause of
things.And no, I do not think a SWOT analysis is a worthless exercise.
My take is thatour general station in this struggle for the
establishment of democracy and itsfuture institutionalization in the
Gambia is already known. And I think I havegiven a few indications and
examples in that regard.
The picture I was alluding to when I shared with you in my
previousposting about the disregard and contempt with which our laws
and agreements arehonored with in Banjul, was the state of public
lawlessness in that countrychampioned by Yaya himself. That is why any
serious attempt to nurturedemocracy in the Gambia must first
concentrate on his eviction from No: 1Marina Parade. It is my view that
our constitution – the supreme law of theland, contains a very good
collection of rules, regulations and ways and meansto building a stable
democratic republic. But as Tocqueville, that genius of anobserver who
closely studied the ways of governance in the United States statedabout
the reasons for the uphold and flourishing of democracy in the
UnitedStates, the customs of the people stood at the top in relation to
their laws anda favorable natural setting. But for the purpose of this
discussion, I can saythat we have the laws that could have placed us in
a good governance stead, butbecause of poor customs to democratic norms
and values, good laws are uselessin the face of bad customary
practices. This may appear to be leading to your argumentfor what you
term an approach towards democratization, but essentially, thelesson to
be drawn from this is that the conditions favorable to the nurturingof
democracy must be in place for a people to be able to get accustomed to
itsnorms and values. And for us to arrive at that important point Yaya
must bebooted out of power. Everything else will be in a favorable
clime to germinateand develop henceforth.
Burama, you also said that I did fail to indicate how Yayais to be
removed. That is not entirely correct. I have indicated my view on
howYaya is not be engaged and eventually removed through legitimate
means by a unionof the forces both on and off the ground. Should I
restate it in other ways I willsay that through the leverage and power
accrued from such a union, Yaya couldbe compelled to effect electoral
reforms and with or without such reforms, couldeven be defeated in the
polls. I am aware of your position regarding Yaya havinga hand in
refereeing the elections through the IEC. But that is not an
entirelyaccurate picture of the electoral system in the Gambia. The
major problem ofthe system however outdated or archaic is in the
registration process coupledwith the intimidating and electioneering
machinery of Yaya that is largelydependent on state power and
resources. And this is still why you hear and thereason behind the call
for a united front of the opposition forces. A counterforce that is
capable of taking on Yaya in his own game. When such a force isin place
Yaya will be compelled to act responsibly while at the same time the
opposingforces will garner strength and the leverage to demand and
negotiate forfavorable electoral conditions. Under this general
condition, either Yaya willbe removed outright or put a check through
an opposition parliamentarymajority. And for the other options,
whenever Yaya wants to play funny, the rightof self defense should be
utilized. So to answer your question about my placein this whole
equation, my response is that I am already partisan and will be aparty
in such a grand affair doing part in both strategically and
financially. Andwhen the situation necessitates utilization of self
defense, I assure you that Iwill be in the forefront with my
colleagues. In the meantime, creating thenecessary conditions is what
is of fundamental importance.
Thank you,
Nyang
On Friday, March 14, 2014 10:29 PM, Burama Jammeh
<[log in to unmask]> wrote:
Mr. Nyang
First, let me do some house keeping - my name is Burama and not uncle
Burama. Not a big deal but next time I prefer to be reference by my name
You made good counter arguments. Hopefully Gambia will have the
opportunity weigh all these views and positions and adopt one that best
serve their interest
You seem to suggest that “The REMOVAL/REPLACEMENT of Yahya is the
agenda or should be. My proposal is about institutionalizing democracy.
For me Yahya is a problem but NOT THE PROBLEM. Because we are looking
at the problem differently, naturally we will draw different
conclusions. This is partly why I argued to have a discuss to adopt a
name definition of the problem from where we do SWOT. You seem to think
thats a worthless exercise after 20 years - but me and you have
different problems. An indication there exist differences.
More importantly you failed to state clearly how do we remove Yahya.
The home based opposition you mentioned couldn’t do it the last 20
years. You still carry hope they will? Am also suspicious you don’t
seem to have a role for yourself in the equation - how so?
What is National Democracy Vision……….please reference my draft 'The
Working Paper’. The subject of that document is the kind of fight I
think worth fight
The composition of The National Face - can be all those living in
Gambia or outside or a combination. The SWOT should inform us what will
likely work better. Again you have to understand am coming from what I
defined as the problem. If you see Yahya as the problem naturally your
answer is to get rid of him. I see a deep and societal problems
Couple or 3 times in the body - you state you and I know (meaning me &
you)…….not sure how do you know I also know. I don’t think that’s a
good way making a case.
My challenge to you - TELL US DO WE REMOVE YAHYA? WHAT ROLE DO YOU
ENVISION FOR YOURSELF IN THAT PROPOSED PLAN?
Thanks for sharing your views
Burama
On Mar 14, 2014, at 9:34 PM, Modou Nyang
<[log in to unmask]> wrote:
UncleBurama,
It is a debtof promise on me to come back to this topic. I thank you
for your patience. Justto let you know I did juggle with the thought of
how to go about responding toyour proposal or bullet point action
items. My interest in this is how we canconverge at some point and
agree to what needs to be done practically to removeYaya and build
democracy in the Gambia. Finally, I decided to make it easy formyself
by narrowing the discussion and concentrating on the main points
raised.
First ofall, uncle Burama, you talked about the importance of a SWOT
analysis toascertain our strength and weaknesses amongst those of us
who have taken adiffering position to those that side with the
Professor in Banjul. Thisanalytical exercise is very important but it
is my view that after two decadesof plotting and planning against the
professor even with little success, we arenot short of knowledge of our
strength, weaknesses, opportunities and as wellsas the threats lurking
large and ready to annihilate us once and for all. It ismy belief that
we already know our station in this long and strenuous battle.As a
segment of the Gambian population opposed to Yaya’s ways and means
ofgovernance, we know what we are capable of and what our limitations
are, and boththe opportunities available to us and the dangers to those
opportunities aswell.
Looking atthis further, you will agree with me that the very reason
behind the call foropposition party alliances is as a result of their
weakness when singly contrastedagainst Yaya’s APRC party. This weakness
of the opposition parties is manifestedin multiple fields and forms.
Structural weaknesses coupled with meager ornon-existent financial
resources are a major malady plaguing the oppositionparties just as the
dearth of available, experienced and willing personnel, notto mention
the limited intellectual and technical knowhow vital for theeffective
running of such type of organization.
Therefore, my conclusion onthis aspect is that the opposition parties –
the most organized groups amongthe plethora of anti Yaya groupings, are
so weak to the extent that they findit very hard to operate effectively
as they would have wished. There are noother groups within the Gambia
that are close to the level of the organizationaland public support
base as the opposition parties. We can buttress this fact
byhighlighting the total absence of a single dissenting voice within
the Gambia otherthan those we occasionally get from opposition party
officials, offeringdiffering views to that of Yaya and his cohorts. I
am inclined to single out theGambia Press Union out of that fold but
even then, we all know the limitationsand the dynamics that limits the
GPU to its traditional and professionalresponsibility to journalists
alone. Every other remaining group that wouldworth a mention is
stationed outside the shores of the Gambia and away from thereach and
bounds of the Professor.
UncleBurama, this now takes me to your phase one proposal. (Readers may
refer to thedocument as shared here by Burama Jammeh) You are proposing
the puttingtogether of a “Comprehensive National Vision”, to my
understanding, by a body ororganization that will be stationed outside
of the shores of the Gambia and peopledby Gambians living outside of
the Gambia. And here I am forced to pause and askthis question: what
sort of a National Vision could a group of peopleconverging abroad
propound on the behalf of a people? Under whose mandate
andrepresentation? I am not convinced that it is the Gambian people
that would berepresented in such a gathering that would give it a carte
blanche to proclaima “national vision”. This fact poses a grave
difficulty and limit to the kindof organization that you are advocating
for. This scenario then places us inthe situation of an organization
like CORDEG. And if a conference in the mannerof your calling is to be
held we are only going to be presented with a likebody with the only
possible differences to be in their composition, agenda andother less
significant issues. But on the main, and this is what is
mostsignificant, such a body will only be an organization that will
operate outsideof the Gambia and lacking, in the significant sense of
it, the legal andlegitimate mantra to speaking on the behalf of the
Gambian people. I know thisis controversial but it is besides my main
concern, yet good enough to put tocheck or restraint that language as
captured in Phase 2 of your proposal – thesetting up of a “National
Face of The Struggle.” To cut it short and lay this point to rest,let
me just say that a “national Face of the struggle” can and will only
behome-based if it is ever to be taken seriously and capable of
delivering thedesired goods.
Now, I takeit that your proposed national conference will be similar to
what has alreadyhappened and has led to the creation of CORDEG.
Logistics and agendas mighthave been different but on the main an
organization would have been borne outof it just like we have in
CORDEG. The direction and or agenda of theorganization might also be
different which is also important but based on whatyou’ve shared with
us in the proposed plan, this body which might be CORDEG forthe sake of
visualization to help ourdiscussion, would “formulate project/program
proposal that will be sold to theInternational community for funding”.
Uncle Burama, both me and you know thatthe “international community”
are always ready and available to meet groups andeven individuals who
have something to say about a country especially one thatis seen to be
tyrannical and undemocratic. But whether overtly or covertlythese
meetings are just that, meetings, funds might be provided to fund
travelsand other logistics. But after all, such an organization and
itsrepresentatives unless they find themselves on the ground if not
opting to relyon the use of the force of arms to effect change, to
organize and agitate forchange through legitimate means, the whole
exercise leads to naught.
Essentially,uncle Burama, you must be aware that those forming
governments, once they gainthe mandate to lead and govern, they signify
the legitimate entity in the eyesof the people including the
“international community”. This fact is arguablebecause this supposed
sovereign status, respect and recognition is sometimes floutedbut
understandably, we might agree even without saying it out loud, that
weknow the conditions that result to the disregarding or flouting of
suchestablished protocols by the very “international community”. The
relationbetween Yaya and the EU presents a good example to cite here.
Even after Yaya’ssmearing of its name in Banjul, the EU would still
commit to disbursing fundsto Banjul (against the wishes of anti Yaya
activist) after prior threats to cutsuch an important line of benefit
to Yaya and people. This is enough lessonsfor us on some of the
dynamics of inter-governmental relations and protocols. Onthe other
hand and this is very important, among the plethora of anti Yaya andhis
government, opposition party supporters included as well as
otheractivists, there is hardly a uniformity of vision (vision as
implying ways andmeans to an aim). Hence the problem ofhaving a
singularity of vision is going to present another difficulty and
limiteven if the body that emerged out of the proposed conference – say
CORDEG,comes with its own as agreed to by those who formed it.
Therefore,uncle Burama, as a segment of the Gambian population both
home and abroad thatare opposed to Yaya and his government, we hold to
differing visions as to howto go about executing a plan to get rid of
Yaya. There are multiple of visionsand missions in this our struggle,
hence, I will argue, that at this momentwhat is viable is for a us to
converge at a point and agree to a limited planof removing Yaya and
render the field to an open and equal contest by any andall interested,
and leave the formulation of a national vision to them.
UncleBurama, I am in agreement with you on phase3 regarding
mobilization andsensitization of diaspora Gambians as well as the
“international community” onthe plight and condition of our national
governance. Demonstrations andprotestations to show our displeasure and
other actions are also tangiblepoints.
On phases4and 5, with the opposition parties aside, we are sure to
conclude that any memorandaand or communiqué will not be welcomed in
either Banjul or its representativehouses abroad. Or on the other hand,
our letters may be received and evenacknowledged and that is it. Maybe
i will have to sight examples to convinceyou on this. First, take our
laws as an example. Our constitution can bereferred to as a communiqué
or vision plan submitted before Yaya and he sworeto adhere to its
language and conform to its vision. Take this other example,the
communiqué between Yaya’s party and the opposition parties in 2006 that
wasbrokered by Obasanjo. We all know how Yaya has disregarded those
twoundertakings he had appended his signature and agreed to adhere to.
Therefore,there is no indication that it will be different next time
even so when theprotagonists are an organization based outside of the
Gambia. It is importantto note here that I am conscious of your concept
of political “leverage” and agreethat such a potent tool is required in
dealing with situations and individuals inthe fashion of Yaya. But I do
not think that we can attain such a desirous positionin the fashion you
are proposing or even if it will it is only for the longhaul. I will
share in my conclusion what I think will put us in that positionin a
rather much quicker and effective way.
Phase7 ofthe proposal is reliant on a conditional clause but even then
like I mentionedabove, we only have the opposition parties to partner
with in Banjul in ourstruggle against Yaya and his government. And
Phase9 is dependent upon thesuccess of prior agendas hence is
inconsequential. On Phase 10, I must say, isa great way to morph an
organization and refocus its lenses on a lasting causeand agenda.
UncleBurama, in conclusion I will reiterate and expand on why I say
that our bestway at this moment is to limit our plans to removing Yaya
and setting the fieldopen while leaving the task of envisioning a
mission to the emergentrepresentatives that will sprung out of such
open and free contest. Because,any other organization other than the
home-based opposition parties that isinvested in the interest of
effecting change in Banjul will either have to findits way to the
ground in Banjul and legally conduct its affairs to attain itsaim, or
else seek the route of forcibly and violently achieving it wishes.
Thereis also another option and that is for such organizations like the
one you are envisioningand similar in fashion to CORDEG, the role of
facilitating, negotiating andmediating with the ground forces and that
is what is what is tenable at themoment.
“How do webring down Yaya”, you have fervently and insistently asked
uncle Burama. Myanswer is this. Because the opposition parties are the
only viable forces onthe ground that have the legitimate power to
organize and agitate for change inthe Gambia as I have highlighted
above; that opposing organizations based abroadwould have to set shop
on the ground and do as the existing opposition partiesare now doing or
possibly a little bit more and different if they are ever tobe able to
bring the change they clamoring for; that these organizations arenot
willing or even able to use force or violent means to remove Yaya; then
theonly viable option is to side and strengthen the available forces –
the oppositionparties, by helping and facilitating their combination of
resources and powerto confront Yaya. Yes, uncle Burama only through the
combined force of the antiYaya camp – the opposition parties and those
of us outside the Gambia, would webe able to gather the much sought
after and needed political leverage that you andus all, are fervently
clamoring for. You might argue that the union of oppositionforces is
not the means to an end in our democratization efforts and desiresand
you will be right about that. But equally, you may not be oblivious of
thereason why even after a number of failures to arrive at an
acceptable formulafor such union most of us are still basing our hopes
more on such a plan as oursurest means to toppling the professor. One
of the major reason and arguably so,could be because we are yet to
attain a full or total opposition alliance. The closestwe have been in
that project was when we had NADD.
Now, why do Ithink an all opposition alliance working in partnership
with diaspora Gambians iswhat will present us the political leverage we
so desire? To cite examples I canbring up the period of NADD. It was
the political leverage of the allied forcesof the opposition that
brought the influence of the Commonwealth thorough formerNigerian
president Obasanjo, to go to Banjul to simmer tensions between Yayaand
the opposition. That was political leverage and it was lost after the
splitof NADD. Going by this analogy, one can tell how such a power and
leverage couldhave been utilized to force Yaya on the table to talk on
every important issueranging from electoral reform to the decoupling of
the ruling party and its useand reliance on state material and
resources. Uncle Burama, this is authenticpolitical leverage and its
power could be extended to the level of renderingthe country
ungovernable as well as the use of the right of self-defense
wheneverYaya trampled upon their rights. This is authentic political
leverage I repeat,and it is the way we need to go and remove Yaya and
build democracy. It is onlythen that the morphing of the type of your
organization will pick up and makeit its agenda that never again will
another Yaya be bred into our public life.
Thank you.
Nyang
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