*Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue*
*Issue No. 45/2006, 12-14 June, 2006*
*Editorial*
*The Press And The State***
*Any Threat to FOROYAA?*
Many people have been calling to enquire about Foroyaa: This is only normal
because of the information disseminated in the internet that Foroyaa is a
target. It is in this regard that Foroyaa decides to deal with the topic,
"The Press and the State".
Foroyaa is older than the AFPRC and APRC Government. Foroyaa was a critical
voice and is still a critical voice. Its role has been to amplify the
voices of the deprived, oppressed, and marginalized so that they can never
be forgotten. It does so without fear or favour, affection or ill will. This
is why many could not understand why Foroyaa challenges the detention
without charge or trial of personalities who may have been overjoyed if
Foroyaa was shut down at given times. The reason why Foroyaa can come to
the defence of even its opponents or publish the opinions of political
parties of all shades is its commitment to inform the Gambian people about
everything that is happening in the country, Africa and the world in order
to enable them to be liberated to from their own opinions and make their own
judgements and decisions. This is why Foroyaa is committed to the
principle of publishing the truth in good faith in the public interest. This
is why it carries the following slogans on its front page: *Know yourself!
Know your Country! Know the World! Then you shall be the commanders of your
own destiny.*
All the papers Foroyaa met in the scene, *The Nation, The Gambia Outlook,
The Gambia Onward, The People, The Torch, The Senegambia Sun* have
disappeared. The papers which survived up to the time of the coup period
are the *Daily Observer* and *The Point*. *The Gambia News and Report, the
Citizen, the Independent* and *The Inquirer* emerged after the coup. At this
very moment, the *Daily Observer* has become a mouth piece of the
Government.
*The Citizen* and* The Inquirer *are no more, *The Point* is publishing with
its editor sitting on a knife edge after the murder of Deyda Hydara. *The
Independent* is muzzled.
As for as the private radio stations are concerned they are basically pushed
to deal with issues unrelated to governance in the country. Citizen FM which
entered the terrain of governance has been pushed out of the scene by the
regime.
One must now ask: What has the government gained from all its actions? Why
is it engaged in such an unacceptable relation with different sectors of the
press.
The primary notion of the leadership of the government regarding the
opposition and the press is flawed. It is not uncommon to hear the
leadership of the APRC Government stating that there is no opposition in the
Gambia; that a good opposition praises a government when it does good and
criticizes it when it does bad. It is therefore clear that the notion of
the leadership is not to see an opposition as an alternative government
which should at all time tells the people what is wrong and what it intends
to do differently instead of praising a government. In this respect, one
must see persistent exposure of the regime and call for change by an
opposition force to be a sign of hostility. The tendency is to become
intolerant and abusive to such opposition. It is such intolerance that is
transferred to agents of the state who may see dissent as subversion and may
impose a reign of terror on those who oppose a state.
In the same vein, the non government press is also expected to praise the
government when it is doing the right thing and criticize it when it does
the wrong thing. This is however an option before a press but not the only
option section 207 subsection (3) of the constitution states that *"The
press and other information media shall at all times be free to uphold the
principles, provisions and objectives of the constitution and the
responsibility and accountability of the government to the people of The
Gambia."* This means that a government should always be before the public
eye to render accounts. Those who do not want to shoulder such a
responsibility should not request to be part of the Executive. In our view,
no newspaper has ever published any information that is more damaging than
the publicity the press agencies are disseminating in the world through
petition to all those who matter in the world. We live in a world today
where the burning of a press house is itself bad news. Hence one cannot
evade bad publicity by burning a press house; on the country it makes
matters worse. Many governments that had received bad publicity before had
learned that to live with a press that carries dissenting opinions on the
basis of tolerance provides a better image than an attempt to suppress it.
If President John F. Kennedy could not be protected by the best security
machinery in the world Foroyaa will be foolish to spend its time worrying
about security threats. The best way to be secure under such circumstances
is to be always ready to cope with the unexpected. We feel very secure to
publish the truth in good faith in the public interest. If that makes
anybody feel insecure we can only say that we are sorry and would only
advise that they take the best medicine to ensure security and that is
tolerance of diversity in public opinion in particular and all aspects of
life in general.
*TREASON SUSPECTS PLEAD NOT GUILTY*
*By Surakata Danso*
Fifteen suspects charged with treason, conspiracy to commit treason,
accessory after the fact of treason and concealment of treason, all pleaded
not guilty to the charges when they were read to them in a crowded courtroom
at the High Court in Banjul on Friday 9th June 2006.
The Acting Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Mr. Emmanuel Fagbenle,
informed the court, presided over by Justice Monagen, of the replacement of
the previous indictment with two separate indictments. The effect is that
the accused are now divided into two groups. The first group consisting of
eight accused persons will be tried by Justice Monagen, while the second
group consisting of seven accused persons will be tried by Justice Agim of
The Gambia Court of Appeal. The first group consists of Captains Bunja
Darboe, Yaya Darboe and Wassa Camara, Second Lieutenant Pharing Sanyang,
Tamsir Jasseh, Alieu Jobe, Omar Keita (alias Omar Faal) and Honourable Demba
Dem (National Assembly Member).
*Count One*
All eight accused persons are charged with treason contrary to Section 35(1)
(a) of the Criminal Code. The particulars of the offence are that the eight
with others at large on or about the 21st of March 2006 prepared or
endeavored to overthrow the democratically-elected government of The Gambia
by coup d'etat.
*Count Two*
All eight accused persons are charged with conspiracy to commit treason
contrary to section 35(1) (g) of the Criminal Code. The particulars are that
the eight with others at large on or about the 21st of March 2006 conspired
to overthrow the democratically-elected government of the Republic of The
Gambia by coup d'etat.
*Count Three*
Alieu Jobe is charged with accessory after the fact of treason contrary to
section 26(2) of the Criminal Code. The particulars is that he assisted Col.
Ndure Cham (the purported coup leader) to escape punishment by providing
funds for his escape knowing that the coup plot which he masterminded had
been foiled.
*Count Four*
Tamsir Jasseh is charged with accessory after the fact of treason. The
particulars are that he assisted the purported coup leader to escape
punishment by driving him from Farato in The Gambia to Darsilami in
Cassamance, Senegal, knowing that the coup plot he masterminded to overthrow
the government had been foiled.
*SECOND GROUP*
The second group of seven accused persons to be tried by Justice Agim has
been charged with two counts of concealment of treason. This group consists
of Captains Abdou Karim Jah and Pierre Mendy, Lieutenant Momodou Alieu Bah,
Samba Bah, Lance Corporal Babou Janha, Private Alhaji Nying and Hamadi Sowe.
*Count one*
All seven accused persons are charged with concealment of treason contrary
to section 36(a). The particulars of the offence are that the seven and
others at large knowing that Ndure Cham with some other army officers and
civilians intended to overthrow the government by coup d'etat failed to give
the information to a Secretary of State, a Magistrate, a Police Officer or a
member of the Armed Forces.
*Count Two*
The seven accused persons are charged with concealment of treason contrary
to section 36(b) of the Criminal Code. The particulars of the offence are
that the seven with others at large knowing that Col. Ndure Cham and others
intended to overthrow the Government by coup d'etat failed to use other
reasonable endeavour to prevent the commission of the offence.
The name, Mustapha Lowe, which appeared in the previous indictment, is not
included in either of the two new indictments. Before adjourning the
proceedings the presiding Judge advised relatives of Pharing Sanyang and two
others to speed up efforts in providing lawyers for them. She cautioned that
if they failed to provide a lawyer of their choice by 16th June, the state
will provide one for him. At this stage the proceedings was adjourned to 16
th June 2006.
*ECOWAS COURT OF JUSTICE PRESS BRIEFING*
*By Surakata Danso*
The president and staff of the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice are
currently on a tour of the member states of ECOWAS. Shortly before their
departure, the delegates held a press conference. In addressing the press in
the office of the Chief Justice, the president of the court, Justice Hansine
Donli, told the press that their mission is to sensitise the people of the
member states of ECOWAS on the existence of the court. Justice Donli further
indicated that the court came into being in 1991 and the revised treaty of
the community came into existence in 1993. She said the court is the fourth
arm of the ECOWAS Community. On the functions of the court, the president
said the functions of the court are:
1. Interpretation of laws dealing with the treaty and human rights law.
2. Implementation of the ECOWAS treaty.
She said she would work closely with the courts of the member states on all
maters arising out of those courts on interpretation and implementation of
the treaty. She said the languages of the court would be three official
languages of the sub-region namely: English, French and Portuguese.
*NO SEEDNUTS ON CREDIT*
*By Abdoulie G. Dibba & Bubacarr Sowe***
Responding to a question raised by Honourable Sainey Mbai, National Assembly
Member for Upper Saloum, SoS Yankuba Touray said: "There are no plans to
provide seed nuts on credit to farmers. Seed nuts are only provided to
farmers in instances of crop failure e.g. draught, floods etc."
In a supplementary question raised by the National Assembly Member for Lower
Saloum, Honourable Ndey Njie, asked the Secretary of State for Agriculture
to clarify whether seed nuts will be available on sale since there are no
plans to provide any on credit basis to farmers. In his response, SoS Touray
said "of course there would be seed nuts for sale, but not from the
Department of State for Agriculture."
*ACHPR RESOLVED TO FIGHT IMPUNITY*
Ambassador Salamata Sawadogo, the chairperson of the African Commission on
Human and People's Rights is of the view that the arrest and indictment of
Mr. Charles Taylor, former President of Liberia, constitutes the first step
by the international community in the fight against the impunity of
criminals.
Madam Sawadogo made this remark at the 39th Ordinary Session of the African
Commission on Human and People's Rights. She further posited that the
African Commission remains resolved to pursue, indefatigably, its position
of promotion and protection of human rights on the continent without
yielding to the attempts of intimidation and the unkind remarks against
members. She said the African Commission will contribute more effectively to
a better promotion and protection of human rights in Africa.
*UNITING AFRICANS THROUGH CULTURE*
*By Fabakary B. Ceesay*
The display of diverse cultures from all corners of West Africa during the
official opening ceremony of the 8th edition of the International Roots
Festival, on Saturday 3rd June 2006, was a sign of unity among Africans at
home and abroad. There was a procession of dozens of traditional, cultural
and ritual dancers, showing cultural and traditional talents.
The audience, especially those from diaspora cannot control their emotion as
some, both young and old, joined in the cultural display and dance.
On her address the Vice President, Mrs. Isatou Njie-Saidy, told those from
the diaspora that attending the festival is a physical and spiritual journey
to the land of their ancestors. She described the Atlantic (Triangular)
slave trade as one of the most barbaric incidents ever committed against
human beings. She said: "Even though one can forgive, one can never
forget." She called on The Gambian Ambassadors to lobby more Africans in
the diaspora to attend this unifying festival.
Speaking earlier, the Secretary of State for Tourism and Culture, Mrs. Susan
Wafa Ogo, said that culture indeed is a unifying factor, which has played a
leading role in the national liberation of the African people. SoS Wafa Ogo
quoted the former Senegalese President, Leopord Sedar Senghore thus:
"Culture is the Alpha and Omega of any meaningful development."
She pointed out that the affirmation of cultural identity constituted one of
the priorities of the government of The Gambia. John Watuzi Branch, a
professor from the diaspora, said: "Culture can play a leading role in
realising the dreams of Kwame Nkrumah."
Present at the festival were Rita Marley, the widow of Bob Marley and her
family, the Ghanaian Minister of Culture, Professor George Hagan, the
Senegalese Minister of Culture, Mam Biran Joof, Cuban and Taiwanese
Ambassadors, UNDP country representative and the US Ambassador.
*LICENCE BOOK SHORTAGE AT LICENSING DEPARTMENT*
*By Fabakary B. Ceesay*
The police department responsible for issuing driving licence has come under
sharp criticism for failing to issue license to drivers for nearly two
months now.
A distraught youth, who is desperately in need of a driver's licence told *
Foroyaa* that he has been trying to get one since April but to no avail. He
indicated that he was later told by an officer from the traffic unit that
there is a licence book shortage.
This reporter went to the police licensing department in Banjul to find out
the authenticity of the young man's allegations. The reporter met many
disgruntled people hanging in front of the said department waiting to hear
any new development to take place. They said that many of them have since
April been trying to get licence but were told that there is scarcity of
license books.
This reporter made many frantic efforts to speak to the police spokesperson
who was said to have been engaged throughout the week and so could not
comment on the matter.
*REBUTTAL***
*By Ebou Gaye*
I am a Gambian, currently residing in the UK. I subscribed as a reader of
the online Freedom Newspaper. Pa Nderry Mbai, a US-based Gambian journalist,
serves as Managing Editor/Publisher of the paper.
On Tuesday 23rd May 2006, I woke up and found only one article entitled
"Resume" on its website claiming that Pa Nderry had decided to stop
producing the paper. The article went further to list the names and contact
details of those who had subscribed to the paper, labelling the subscribers
as informants. Sometime later, that article was replaced with another one
denying the claims, attributing what had happened to hawkers. On Thursday 25
th May 2006, *The Daily Observer* newspaper of The Gambia published the list
and contact details of the alleged informants, after which the Gambia Police
Force issued a press release on the matter, asking all those whose names
featured on the Observer list to report to them with immediate effect or
face arrest and prosecution. The aforementioned press release was carried by
both the *Daily Observer* and *The Point *in their editions of Friday 26th May
2006. The man at the centre of the issue, Pa Nderry ran a rejoinder in
the *Freedom
Newspaper*, threatening the *Daily Observer *with legal measures for
disclosing the identities of his subscribers, trying to exculpate the
subscribers by contending that they were mere readers, not informants. The
said rejoinder was copied to different newspapers, namely: *Daily Observer,
The Point, Foroyaa*, The *Gambia** Journal, **AllGambian**, **Gambia** Post
*and* Freedom Newspaper*. On Saturday 27th May 2006, I received a telephone
call summoning me to our High Commission in London, UK. After confirming my
identity to the caller, I asked him his name but he refused to disclose it.
He said I should just report there on Monday 29th May 2006 and ask for the
NIA officer upon arrival. According to him, they had received instructions
from The Gambia appertaining to the issue under discussion and want to have
a word with me. As it is said that anyone who invites you to his house must
give you something or say something to you, I have made up my mind to
comply.
Given the position I held in The Gambia and the fact that I am a writer, the
publication of my name by the *Daily Observer* branding me as an informant
against the Gambia Government is extremely grave and damaging, as I have
been portrayed as a coward and a criminal. Therefore, I deem it necessary to
issue this rebuttal. In my case, silence may be interpreted as confession of
guilt. Pa Nderry has played his part by attempting to dissociate us from his
informants but I feel I should do my job myself, for I have the ability as a
writer, just as the adage goes, "*Let the bereaved mourn his death relative
himself".*
Now, allow me to proceed to refute the allegation against me. First and
foremost, I would like to remind my compatriots that I wrote prolifically on
various issues (political, economic, educational, religious, social,
cultural, etc) in the *Daily Observer* from 1999 to 2004, with all my
articles bearing my name. I was residing in The Gambia almost throughout
this period, except for the period October 2002 - August 2003 which I spent
in the UK, sending articles to the *Daily Observer*. My articles were
qualified as hot, critical, powerful and contentious but I was never
arrested, detained, charged or incarcerated. The question arises now: If I
have the courage to write in The Gambia in such a manner for such a long
time disclosing my identity, would I lack the nerve to do the same thing
while residing abroad? Certainty not! Hence, it is illogical to believe or
assume that I have been writing in the *Freedom Newspaper* under a pen name
based on the fact that my name never appeared in the paper.
Secondly, it does not make sense for me, as a writer, to give information to
Pa Nderry to write and publish on my behalf. If I had information to
disseminate through the *Freedom Newspaper *or any other media, it would be
more logical for me to craft the articles myself and send them for
publication as first hand information, just as the saying goes, "*A story is
better narrated by the person involved in it*".
The fact of the matter is that I subscribed solely to read the *Freedom
Newspaper* as I read other newspapers. This is engendered by the fact that I
am keenly interested in news, Gambian and non-Gambian, positive and
negative, regardless of who is involved. I have never given information to
Pa Nderry or written in his paper. All those using the Internet, including
the hawkers, know fully well that subscribing as a reader of an online
newspaper does not require giving information or contributing articles. If
reading newspapers constitutes a criminal act, I can confess that I am a big
criminal and shall remain so till doomsday, for I still read the *Freedom
Newspaper* and other newspapers and will undoubtedly continue to do so
wherever I am.
It is worthy to note that I have been keeping low profile since I left The
Gambia. People have been encouraging me to write but I never complied with
their appeals. However, I hasten to add that this is not to say that I have
stopped writing. I can resume my activities as a writer anytime and
anywhere. Superfluous to say, any article or book published will bear my
name, just as is the case with my previous publications. No hiding at all!
I would like to point out at this juncture that the motive behind this
rebuttal is merely to clear the air. I am ready to face any charges
preferred against me. Any penalty handed down to me will be accepted in good
faith, for even prophets had been punished based on false allegations. I am
humble and modest enough to apologise to people when I wrong them,
irrespective of their positions or status, but do not see the need to
apologise in this matter. I am confident that I have not wronged anybody as
far as this issue is concerned. God knows! Besides, I always try as much as
possible to abide by the law and avoid offending or oppressing people.
In conclusion, I would like to vociferate that those behind this act owe me
an apology. As far as I am concerned, they and their collaborators will live
to regret their act. **
*DARFUR** REPORT*
*We are publishing the report of the report of the Pan-African Parliament on
**Darfur** in series. The head of the mission was Honourable Abdul Katuntu,
from **Uganda** and the rapporteur*
*Halifa Sallah the **Gambia**.*
*(Part 6)*
*Part Seven*
*THE STATUS OF THE AU **MISSION** IN **SUDAN***
*7.1 Principles Of The **Mission***
The briefings we received from the Peace and Security Department of the
African Commission reveal that the AU was moved to action because of the
realization that the responsibility for the security, stability and
socio-economic development of the continent lies primarily with African
states.
This accords well with the principles enshrined in the Declaration of the
Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa
(CSSDCA) which has been endorsed by the members of the AU.
The first principle indicates that "African countries will be guided by the
principle of the peaceful resolution of disputes, with emphasis on seeking
African solutions to African problems."
Secondly, that while recognizing that the primary responsibility for the
maintenance of International peace and security lies with the United
Nations, the African Union, in close cooperation with the United Nations and
Regional Economic Communities, remains the premier organization for
promoting security stability, development and cooperation in Africa.
According to the briefing the dictate of collective self interest of the
African continent compelled the AU to open up a channel of communication
with the Sudanese government to discuss how it can assist in the management
and resolution of a crisis which had engendered the scale of humanitarian
catastrophe that merited the attention of the security council, in
particular and the international community at large.
The experts from the peace and security department indicated that the
Sudanese government was initially suspicious of the presence of any external
force on its territory to deal with the crisis in Darfur; that it took some
confidence building measures before the Sudanese government would agree to
the establishment of an AU mission in Sudan to deal with the Darfur crisis.
The mission was very much interested in conceptualizing the succession of
events which culminated in the establishment of the AU mission in Sudan and
its status. This is in line with Article 18 of the protocol establishing the
peace and Security Council which makes it mandatory for the Pan African
parliament to be intimated with developments regarding all missions
undertaken by the council in matters of peace and security, upon request.
Literature review revealed that the African Union could have intervened in
Sudan on its own accord or through the invitation of the Sudanese
government. This is clearly stipulated in Article 4(h) and 4(j) of the
Constitutive Act of the AU.
Article 4(h) affirms that the right of the union to intervene in a member
state pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave
circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Our
enquiry revealed that no session was held by the Assembly of the AU to
consider intervention in Sudan on the basis of war crimes, genocide or
crimes against humanity.
On the other hand, article 4 (j) accords member states the right "to request
intervention from the union in order to restore peace and stability". Since
the officers of the Peace and Security Department of the AU indicated that
the Sudanese government did not request for intervention, the mission
requested for more information on how the AU mission in Sudan became
legitimized.
The mission gathered that the AU did not wait to send experts to gather
evidence on genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in order to
establish a basis to intervene, on the contrary, the early warning signals
of a humanitarian catastrophe was sufficiently evident. The AU had to
intimate to the Sudanese government that it was more honourable for African
states to solve Africa's problems than to wait for action by the Security
Council and the international
community. They indicated that the attitude of the Sudanese government
eventually moved from suspicion and reservation to cooperation and
accommodation. By April 2004, the AU had taken the initiative to assume a
premier role in assisting Sudan to find a solution to the Darfur crisis.
*7.2 Genesis Of The **Mission***
The first step to manage the crisis was to commit the Sudanese government
and the armed opposition, namely, the Sudanese Liberation Movement and its
army (SLA/SLM) and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement (SJEM), to a
ceasefire agreement on 8th April 2004.
The agreement was signed by Minister of Investment of Sudan; the Secretary
General of SLA/SLM; the President of the Sudanese Justice and Equality
movement; the Minister of State of Chad and a representative of the
Chairperson of the African Union Commission.
The Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement on the conflict in Darfur addresses
both political and humanitarian concerns. It has two components. The first
component constitutes the cessation of hostilities by abandoning military
action and hostile propaganda, facilitation of access to humanitarian
assistance and ensuring free movement of goods and people.
The second aspect deals with the political negotiation to establish a
democratic political culture in Darfur that can guarantee the population,
their political, economic and social rights. A protocol on the establishment
of humanitarian assistance in Darfur was also signed on the same day. The
protocol establishes six general principles and four specific directives to
govern the provision of humanitarian assistance. The principles entail
humanitarian consideration, impartiality, neutrality, dignity, transparency
and accountability. The directives relate to unrestricted access, assurance
of security, protection of providers and beneficiaries of assistance and the
return of refugees and displaced persons.
The Agreement provided for a Ceasefire Commission and mandated it to conduct
investigation, verification and monitoring of compliance with the agreement.
The agreement however, did not indicate the modalities of the Ceasefire
Commission and how the observers were to be deployed. The role of the AU was
not detailed in its specificities. The AU Peace and Security Council held a
meeting on 25 May, 2004 which authorized the chairperson of The AU
Commission to take all necessary measures to ensure an effective monitoring
of the humanitarian cease fire agreement and called on the parties in
Sudanto extend full cooperation to the cease fire commission (CFC) and
the AU
observers.
The status of the AU mission in Sudan became clear in the Addis Ababa
Agreement signed by the parties on 28th May, 2004. The Agreement indicated
the modalities for the establishment of the Ceasefire Commission (CFC) and
deployment of military Observers in Darfur.
On the 4th June 2004 the status of the AU Mission with regards to the CFC
was further clarified. The provision indicates that the Operational Arm of
the Ceasefire Commission shall be the African Union monitoring mission. The
Observers were to come from the government of Sudan, the armed opposition,
African Union member states and other representatives of the international
community.
The Ceasefire Commission was mandated to request for the deployment of
Military Observers and Military Protectors to safeguard their security.
*MEET ETANA, (**JAMAICA** YOUNGSTER IN LOVE WITH MUSIC AND LIFE)*
*By Fabakary B. Ceesay*
Sweet, sultry, and soulful. Her smile reflects a high sense of confidence
and boundless humility, Etana, the first lady of Fifth Element Records.
This highly spirited songstress, Christened Shauna Mekenzie, was born in
August Town, St. Andrew. The innovative 22 year old, speaks of music as her
life. "Music is me,"she remarked. She discovered her intense passion for
music at an early age. Later, she migrated to the United States to live in
Miami. She continued to hold on to her dream and at the same time focusing
on her education. At 17, she started performing at various venues across
the United States, including spots and fed her home of Fifth Elements
Records last year, when she was introduced by a friend to this musical
family.
Two weeks later she was offered a spot on as back up for Richie Spice, a
recent super star who stormed the Reggae world with surprise. "Since then I
haven't gone back to Miami ," she said.
"This Fifth Element is my home. I feel very good being around people who
take about music the way I do and who encourage and guide me," she said. In
less than a year, she graced stages all over the world, encompassing two
tours of Europe and a highly successful tour of North America. Aptly
titled, "*In the Streets to Africa*," which is set to be concluded later
this year in the motherland, this tour had stops over in some 12 states. It
also marked the true blossoming of Etana as a solo performer to be reckoned
with. On their stop over in Atlanta, Georgia, "Fifth Element's First Lady"
made her debut as a solo performer and grabbed the attention of all who
witnessed it. She has performed to rave reviews at every stop since then. But
in all this success, life has not been easy for this charming young lady. As
her name, Etana, which means "the strong one", she has gone through various
trials and tribulations. "I have been going through a lot. There have been
many obstacles that I have faced and had to overcome, but now, this is the
most comfortable I have, since I have been in music," she said. It
certainly shows, in her energy, hear it in her music, and see it in the
flash of her vivacious smiles.
Etana indicated that she has been influence by such renowned musicians and
singers as Judy Mowatt, Marcia Griffiths, Rita Marley (The I Threes),
Sizzla, Richie Spice, I Wayne and Jah Cure, Whitney Houston, India Arie,
Jill Scott and Aheria. "I listen to and appreciate all kinds of music. I
am also inspired through music other than reggae, as different melodies and
lyrics trigger off different things.
"The heart and the persons put into their music encourage me to write my
songs," she said. Her career is signification directed and guided by Fifth
Element Records, such as Stedy, Clevie and Tony Kelly.
Currently working on a debut album, Etana has produced a melodious and
haunting single, "*Wrong Address*." This song, accompanied by a Crisphy
produced and well directed video, narrates the story of a young ambitious
woman, striving to overcome adversity and is matched by the positive and
thought provoking "Time," a fitting follow up. What does Etana bring to the
music? "Reggae Soul," responds Sean Element, producer. He went on to say,
"She sings from her soul." Etana's spirit is unmistakable as she delivers
her positive message at The Roots International Festival Reggae show last
Sunday. May her love of music and life live on!
*TRIAL OF BANJUL MAYOR*
*By Surakata Danso *
In the trial of Mayor Jeng at the High Court in Banjul, a prosecution
witness, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Banjul City Council, on Thursday
8th June 2006 informed the court that the payment for the printing of the
information booklet of the Banjul community is not misappropriation of the
funds of BCC.
Continuing his testimony, the CEO indicated that even though the members of
the council did not give their blessing for the printing of the booklet,
there is a fund in the vote of the council for the Mayor to make annual
reports to the community. He further told the court that during the cash
payments the correct financial cash transaction procedures were used.
On the issue of the contract signed between the council and one Pa Faal,
concerning the public toilet at Albion-Old Primet Street Junction, the CEO
indicated that he was not in the country at the time of the said signing of
the contract. But after his taking over as acting CEO he saw the document
and noticed that, going by the agreement, Mr. Faal was to build 10 toilets
and some storage facilities.
During cross examination by the defence, Mr. Batchilly confirmed that work
had started on the structure by building two toilets before they were
stopped by a commission of inquiry set up by government. The case is
adjourned till 21st and 22 June 2006.
It could be recalled that Mr. Jeng is charged with six counts of charges
ranging from economic crimes to fraud. In December he had secured an order
directing the Secretary of State for Local Government and Lands to reinstate
him, but the order is yet to be complied with.
*CASAMANCE REBELS ISSUE WARNING LETTER*
*By Bubacarr K. Sowe*
A rebel group in Cassamance has sent a warning letter to Gambian villages
that are on the Casamance border.
According to a villager from Sohm Village, Kombo East, the said letter
contains a warning message from one of the rebel fractions in Casamance. He
said the rebels are advising Gambians who usually go into the Casamance
forest in search of firewood and charcoal to desist from doing so. "They
said they do not want anyone to go into the bush, because they cannot
distinguish between the civilians and their rivals who are fighting them,"
Mr. Jarjue said.
He added that the message is directed not only to those producing charcoal
but to all Gambians living by the border. They are advised to remain in
their territory. The man added that they believe the rebels are around the
Casamance villages of Kabakel, Sambulanjang, Barragesseh and Kajalokule.
According to one Malang Sambou of Kafuta Tumbung (who read the letter), said
some Gambians who were held by the rebels have been released.
Residents of Sohm village who spoke to this reporter confirmed that they
heard heavy gunshots coming from the Casamance area. Our reporter who was on
the ground heard gunshots while returning from Sohm.
According to a villager, the rebels are well armed. He posited that fighting
continued throughout this week and that the fighting has intensified.
*VEHICLES STRANDED AT YELITENDA*
*By Lamin Fatty*
A new ferry called *Farafenni*, named after the town of Farafenni in the
North Bank Division, which has been deployed on the 23rd of May to ease
travelling and crossing along the Trans-Gambia High Way, is yet to start
operation. *Foroyaa* dispatched a reporter to see things for himself.
Upon arrival at the crossing point, he found a long queue of Senegalese
vehicles with the drivers and travellers waiting eagerly to cross. In an
interview with our reporter, a Senegalese transport driver by the name
Mustapha Seck expressed disappointment over the services of the ferry at
both the Yelitenda-Bamba Tenda crossing points. According to Mustapha Seck,
he spent nearly a week waiting to cross, but to no avail. He said sometimes
the ferry spent 2-3 hours before reaching on the other side.
Another driver, Alieu Jarju, who hailed from Casamance, said he was carrying
mangoes to Dakar. He said he lost 150kg of mangoes on a daily basis because
he could not cross. I managed to reach Mr. Gabisi, the GPA officer at the
Yelitenda crossing point, who refused to comment and referred him to his
boss at the Bamba Tenda point. When he went to Bamba Tenda, he was told by
one Jerreh Jammeh that all what he could tell him is that they are to start
training on the ferry, but if he need any further information, he can
contact the PRO to shed more light on it.
I went to the PRO's office at the Gambia Ports Authority, but the PRO told
him that he was going out, but promised to be back. I waited for 2 hours,
but the PRO did not return. Efforts to speak to him on office and mobile
phones proved futile.
It could be recalled that two ferries's named after Soma and Farafenni were
brought by the GPA to ease crossing at Yelitenda and Bamba Tenda. But *
Farafenni* which has already been deployed is yet to start work because of
landing problem.
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